C C Introduction  Martin Van Buren
A COMPILATION OF THE MESSAGES AND PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS 
BY JAMES D. RICHARDSON 
  
 Martin Van Buren
March 4, 1837, to March 4, 1841

ANGELICA SINGLETON was presented by her cousin, Mrs. Madison, to President Van Buren, in 1837, and in the following year married his son, Major Van Buren. On New Year's day, 1839, she assumed her place as hostess of the White House, as Hannah Hoes, the wife of Martin Van Buren, had died in 1819, leaving him a widower when elected President. This was a great loss, for she would have well filled the exalted position occupied in later years by her eldest son's wife. The next spring Major Van Buren and his wife went abroad, where they received most flattering attentions, attributed to their high standing in America, and also to Mrs. Van Buren's exceeding charm of features, form and manner, and long ancestral descent. They were invited to dine at the Palace of St. Cloud, where they were entertained with a cordial lack of ceremony by Louis Philippe and his Queen. In later life she was a society leader in New York, her death occurring in 1878.
 
MARTIN VAN BUREN

With the election of Van Buren came the first success of a politician, Jackson was not a statesman, and his election was largely the work of ic politicians, but he was a strong character owing little of his political access to his skill in machine politics. With Van Buren's election came of triumph of political machinery; his elevation to that office was the final fruit of a lifetime of the shrewdest political maneuvering, the keenest knowledge of the methods of political combination, and of the theories of political rewards and proscriptions. His political life was one of steady and logical advancement, but he did not come forward from local to state prominence, and from state to national position, as n exponent and advocate of any great principle or political conviction, n his career as a lawyer of fair ability, a Senator of his State, a member f the United States Senate, as Governor of New York, as Prime Minster of Jackson's cabinet, as foreign envoy, and as Vice-President, he ever once stood for great political principles. He was not inconsistent; he was silent. Always the clever courteous gentleman, always anxious to avoid controversy, and showing a remarkable genius for combinations, he built up a machine which moved forward to political prominence sometimes himself and sometimes others, but which he always held compactly together by the bonds of self-interest, by a system of political swards for the friends of the machine, and political exclusion for its enemies.

The strong friendship which Andrew Jackson held for his Secretary of State was one of the most important causes leading to Van Buren's lection to succeed Jackson. There had been for several years a per-perfectly clear understanding between the two men that the younger was ) be a political legatee, and the immense personal popularity of Jackson lade the legacy of his good will a thing of the greatest importance. When there was added to that the strength of the perfect political machine of which Van Buren was the master, his nomination and his lection were not difficult.

He drew great strength from the fact that Jackson's political mantle was looked upon as having been laid upon his shoulders. Even at the me of the inauguration, Jackson seemed the central figure rather than the new President, and the temper of the inaugural address was distinctly one of subordination to his more popular predecessor. Jackson's fare-well address was taken up with a glorification of his financial views, and with a parting shot at the defunct national bank. Hardly had the people ceased reading that farewell message in which there was no comprehension of the trouble that was to come, than a financial crash, such as the country had never known, broke with tremendous fury, and the new President was brought face to face with the most trying of situations. The tremendous speculative bubble, which had been inflating for years, burst in a moment. The situation was made vastly more severe by some of the features of Jackson's empirical system of finance, and the blame for it all came down upon the head of Jackson's successor. He now rose to a height that had not at all been measured by anything in his previous career. He faced an angry and excited nation with calmness and dignity. He would not be driven into hasty and unadvised action for the relief of a situation that had become distressing in the extreme. He carried this calmness in the midst of the terrific uproar that came about his head to a degree that left doubt as to whether he could show anything more than the phlegmatic characteristics of his Dutch ancestors, refusing for a time even to call any extra session of Congress to consider means of relief. He did finally convene Congress and presented his scheme of completely divorcing government finances from the banks, the scheme which subsequently developed into the present sub-treasury system. It was not original with the President, but had been proposed by a Virginia representative, and rejected by a decisive vote of the President's party in the House as early as 1834. It was again rejected after being brought forward in Mr. Van Buren's message to Congress, but at the next session was passed in practically the same form as was at first proposed and endures to the present time.

Upon this single act must rest Van Buren's claims to a statesmanship which originates great public measures. He accomplished what he undoubtedly believed to be a most important financial step—the divorcing of government finance from the banks. Had he been a wiser statesman, had he possessed a more comprehensive knowledge of practical finance, he would have found a way for securing the safety at which he aimed, with vastly less hardship upon the commercial interests than this plan of locking up all government funds in idleness.

His introduction of the spoils system into politics has been none too severely condemned, but his use of the public patronage after he became President was less objectionable than were the actions of some of his contemporaries. At all times he showed admirable courage, and great political sagacity.

 
HENRY   CLAY.

He was a man of large natural ability, but he lacked the training of a
systematic education. He learned early to appreciate his heaven-born endowments and to rely upon them for success in his chosen career. Of sanguine temperament, quick perception, irresistible energy and enthusiastic disposition, he was well fitted to be a party advocate, and was the greatest parliamentary leader in our history. He knew men well, but he had no knowledge, of books. The gaming table had for him allurements that he could not find in the library. According to the manners of his time, he drank to excess. His warm heart made him a multitude of friends; his impulsive action and positive bearing raised up enemies; yet at his death he left not an enemy behind him. He was withal a man of inflexible integrity. Straitened in pecuniary circum stances during a large part of his congressional career, he nevertheless held himself aloof from all corruption. Other Americans have been intellectually greater, others have been more painstaking, others still have been greater benefactors to their country; yet no man has been loved as the people of the United States loved Henry Clay.	
RHODES.

Born in backwoods poverty in 1777, he obtained a piecemeal schooling, studied li»w, was admitted to the bar in 1797, sent to the Kentucky legislature in 1803, to the United States Senate in 1808; afterwards served in the lower house, being elected Speaker five times; Secretary of State in 1825-29 under J. Q. Adams; U. S. Senator in 1831-1842; unsuccessful presidential candidate in 1832 and 1844; U. S. Senator from 1849 to 1852. When Calhoun and his South Carolina supporters found that Jackson meant to punish nullification with hanging, it was Clay who arranged a compromise. He was the guiding spirit in all those measures which averted civil war from 1820 to 1850.

See the articles entitled "Compromises of the Constitution," "Compromise of 1833," "Compromise of 1850," "Missouri Compromise," in the Encyclopedic Index.

UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY

In 1776 a Committee of the Continental Congress recommended the formation of a military academy. Washington forced it upon the attention of Congress in his message of December 3, 1793, after it had been discussed in the Cabinet, where Jefferson opposed it on the ground that it was unconstitutional. In 1794 Congress made a feeble start by authorizing a corps o artillerists and engineers to which 32 cadets were to be attached. In 179) Congress made another effort and raised the number of cadets to 56. Pro vision was made for books, instruments and four instructors, but no location was designated. Finally, March 16, 1801, the artillerists and engineer were made a district corps, with 50 cadets, and were settled permanent!; at West Point, N. Y. In April, 1812, the academy was reorganized, with i capacity of 260 cadets, and the curriculum was extended on the broad line of a university.

At the time when the engraving here reproduced was made, the military academy numbered among its gray-clad cadets the future generals of the Civil War, some destined to suffer and fall nobly in gray, and some to wear the blue through defeat to victory.

In the Encyclopedic Index will be found a brief history of the institution.

 

INCIDENTS IN THE  SEMINOLE WAR.

For account of the war with the Seminole Indians, see Encyclopedic Index article under Seminole Wars. One of the panels in the preceding illustration shows the capture of Osceola, the leader of the Seminoles. Osceola, a half-breed, rallied the Indian forces under his leadership soon after the outbreak of the war in 1834, but it was not until December 28, 1835, that his strength was realized. On that day, a large band of Seminoles followed Osceola to the place shown on the other preceding panel, and there surprised and killed Major Dade and all of the force of 110 men under him. Osceola was finally captured by General Jessup, while the Indian was under the protection of a flag of truce, the United States commander justifying his action by the fact that Osceola himself had broken treaties on several occasions.
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FREMONT, THE PATHFINDER.

Under the authority of the United States Government, John Charles Fremont, in 1842, began the exploration of an overland route to the Pacific Ocean. When the discovery of gold in 1849 precipitated the great emigration westward, his path finding was of incalculable value.

The picture represents him scaling Fremont's Peak in the Rocky Mountains, .the highest point in the Wind River Range. In his Journal he says:

"I sprang upon the summit and another step would have precipitated me into an immense snowfall 500 feet below. To the edge of this field was a sheer icy precipice. I stood on a narrow crest about 3 feet in width. We unfurled the national flag to wave in the breeze where never flag waved before. We had climbed the loftiest peak of the Rocky Mountains and looked down upon the snow 1,000 feet below, and, standing where never human foot had stood before, felt the exultation of first explorers."

In the Biographic Index, there are several references to presidential remarks concerning Fremont. References to the headings "California" and "Oregon" will provide interesting reading, both in the Encyclopedic Index articles and in presidential discussions concerning those sections.

 
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS—BRIDGES
The question of appropriating money out of the Federal Treasury to be used in improving roads, building bridges, digging canals and deepening streams in the States is no longer a political issue. The article "Internal Improvements" in the Encyclopedic Index, relates how prominent an issue it used to be in the days before the Civil War. In our day the annual Rivers and Harbors Bill covering the matter is voted through with little or no discussion. Under the authority of Congress some notable works of public improvement have been performed by the engineers of the army in recent years. These tasks include the irrigation and reclamation projects in the West, the constant curbing of the unruly Mississippi, the construction of breakwaters in harbors of both the Atlantic and Pacific seaboards, and numerous enterprises on the Great Lakes. Although the sphere in which the Federal Government can operate is so well defined as to remove the question from politics, the country is profoundly interested hi these benevolent activities, which promote commerce, agriculture and industry hi all their branches. The evolution of the policy is revealed in the Presidents' state papers on the pages mentioned by the index. The Annual Rivers and Harbors Bill is so notorious an example of log-rolling that it is called "the pork barrel," referring, of course, to the fact that it is passed at the last moment and that members who have faithfully obeyed their party managers, receive enough "pork" for their constituencies to grease their way to re-election, while mutineers are correspondingly punished.

 
OVERLAND EMIGRATION.

Sutter's discovery of gold in California was known on the Atlantic seaboard in the winter of 1848. Seventeen thousand emigrants immediately set sail for El Dorado. When spring came an equal number of gold hunters started on the arduous journey overland to the Pacific. Having congregated at points on the Missouri during the winter, the emigrants, in May, began their arduous march over the rolling prairies, usually with eight oxen to haul their wagons. Before long, however, the weaker animals would perish or be eaten for food, and sights of oxen, horses, mules, and dogs yoked together were common. Their route was strewn with the debris of failure;—wagons, tools, food, impedimenta of every description were cast aside in the frantic effort to get out of the torments of the desert more quickly. When the first of the overland emigrants reached San Francisco, their description of the piteous plight of those in the rear caused the army commandant there to send troops with supplies for their relief. They found the trails strewn with wreckage and crowded with emigrants marching on foot, with their children and wives following them. Winter caught the rear guard of the emigrants still plodding along, and those who had survived the trial by fire in the desert now underwent the tortures of winter on the plains. By the end of November all the Argonauts were safe in San Francisco.

See the articles "California" and "Gold" in the encyclopedic index.
The trek to California is, of course, typical of the westward emigration toward an ever-receding frontier which occurred from the earliest days of the Republic.

One of the agents in civilizing the new territory was the pony express, carrying passengers, mail, and valuables between settlements. Many thrilling tales are told of the attacks upon the pony expresses by Indians and also by highwaymen in the days when each man was his own policeman. As the West became more thickly settled, thousands and thousands of the buffalo which had inhabited its plains were killed, until that noble animal became practically extinct.

 

ABOLITIONISTS  AND   SLAVE  SELLING

The cartoon reproduced in the upper panel aptly caricatures the individuals associated in the abolition movement; women, aflame with Christian indignation and pity for their black sisters in degradation; ex-slaves, eager to procure the boon of freedom for their less fortunate fellows; and philanthropists who were willing to give their fortunes if the blot on the American escutcheon might be removed. Enduring the jibes of the frivolous, the violence of the mob and the opposition of those whose incomes were affected by agitation, these people persisted until slavery was dead.

The Encyclopedic Index articles, entitled " African Slave Trade," " Abolitionists " and " Slavery," summarize those subjects and then direct the reader to places where the Presidents have discussed the question which dominated all others from 1789 to 1861.

  
Martin Van Buren 
Martin Van Buren was born in Kinderhook, Columbia County, N.Y., December 5, 1782. He was the eldest son of Abraham Van Buren, a small farmer, and of Mary Hoes (originally spelled Goes), whose first husband was named Van Alen. He studied the rudiments of English and Latin in the schools of his native village. At the age of 14 years commenced reading law in the office of Francis Sylvester, and pursued his legal novitiate for seven years. Combining with his professional studies a fondness for extemporaneous debate, he was early noted for his intelligent observation of public events and for his interest in politics; was chosen to participate in a nominating convention when only 18 years old. In 1802 went to New York City and studied law with William P. Van Ness, a friend of Aaron Burr; was admitted to the bar in 1803, returned to Kinderhook, and associated himself in practice with his half-brother, James I. Van Alen. He was a zealous adherent of Jefferson, and supported Morgan Lewis for governor of New York in 1803 against Aaron Burr. In February, 1807, he married Hannah Hoes, a distant kinswoman. In the winter of 1806-7 removed to Hudson, the county seat of Columbia County, and in the same year was admitted to practice in the supreme court. In 1807 supported Daniel D. Tompkins for governor against Morgan Lewis, the latter having come to be considered less true than the former to the measures of Jefferson. In 1808 became surrogate of Columbia County, displacing his halt-brother and partner, who belonged to the defeated faction. In 1813, on a change of party predominance at Albany, his half-brother was restored to the office. Early in 1811 he figured in the councils of his party at a convention held in Albany, when the proposed recharter of the United States Bank was the leading question of Federal politics. Though Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, had recommended a recharter, the predominant sentiment of the Republican party was adverse to the measure. Van Buren shared in this hostility, and publicly lauded the "Spartan firmness" of George Clinton when as Vice-President he gave his casting vote in the United States Senate against the bank bill, February 20, 1811. In 1812 was elected to the senate of New York from the middle district as a Clinton Republican, defeating Edward P. Livingston; took his seat in November of that year, and became thereby a member of the court of errors, then composed of senators in connection with the chancellor and the supreme court. As senator he strenuously opposed the charter of "The Bank of America," which was then seeking to establish itself in New York and to take the place of the United States Bank. Though counted among the adherents of Madison's Administration, and though committed to the policy of declaring war against Great Britain, he sided with the Republican members of the New York legislature in 1812, and supported De Witt Clinton for the Presidency. In the following year, however, he dissolved his political relations with Clinton and resumed the entente cordiale with Madison's Administration. In 1815, while still a member of the senate, was appointed attorney-general of the State, superseding the venerable Abraham Van Vechten. In 1816 was reelected to the State senate, and, removing to Albany, formed a partnership with his life-long friend, Benjamin F. Butler. In the same year was appointed a regent of the University of New York. Supported De Witt Clinton for governor of New York in 1817, but opposed his reelection in 1820. In 1819 was removed from the office of attorney-general. February 6, 1821, was elected United States Senator. In the same year was chosen from Otsego County as a member of the convention to revise the constitution of the State. Took his seat in the United States Senate December 3, 1821, and was at once made a member of its Committees on the Judiciary and Finance. For many years was chairman of the former. Supported William H. Crawford for the Presidency in 1824. Was reelected to the Senate in 1827, but soon resigned his seat to accept the office of governor of New York, to which he was elected in 1828. Was a zealous supporter of Andrew Jackson in the Presidential election of 1828, and in 1829 became premier of the new Administration. As Secretary of State he brought to a favorable close the long-standing feud between the United States and England with regard to the West India trade. Resigned his Secretaryship in June, 1831, and was sent as minister to England. The Senate refused in 1832 to confirm his nomination by the casting vote of John C. Calhoun, the Vice-President. In 1832 was elected Vice-President of the United States, and in 1833 came to preside over the body which a year before had rejected him as a foreign minister. On May 20, 1835, was formally nominated for the Presidency, and was elected in 1836 over his three competitors, William H. Harrison, Hugh L. White, and Daniel Webster, by a majority of 57 in the electoral college, but of only 25,000 in the popular vote. On May 5, 1840, was nominated for the Presidency by the Democratic national convention at Baltimore, Md. At the election on November 10 was defeated by William Henry Harrison, who received 234 electoral votes and a popular majority of nearly 140,000. Van Buren received but 60 votes in the electoral college. Retired to his country seat, Lindenwald, in his native county. Was a candidate for the Presidential nomination at the Democratic national convention at Baltimore, Md., May 27, 1844, but was defeated by James K. Polk. Was nominated for the Presidency by a Barnburner convention at Utica, N.Y., June 22, 1848, a nomination which he had declined by letter in advance. He was also nominated for the Presidency by the Free Soil national convention of Buffalo, August 9, 1848. At the election, November 7, received only a popular vote of 291,263, and no electoral vote. Supported Franklin Pierce for the Presidency in 1852 and James Buchanan in 1856. In 1860 voted the fusion ticket of Breckinridge, Douglas, and Bell in New York against Mr. Lincoln, but when the civil war began gave to the Administration his zealous support. Died at Kinderhook July 24, 1862, and was buried there.