PIONEERS OF FRANCE

IN THE NEW WORLD 

By Francis Parkman 

Part 2 
SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN AND HIS ASSOCIATES; 
WITH A VIEW OF EARLIER FRENCH ADVENTURE IN AMERICA, AND THE LEGENDS OF THE NORTHERN COASTS.  

SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN.  

CHAPTER 1

1488-1543.  
EARLY FRENCH ADVENTURE IN NORTH AMERICA.  

When America was first made known to Europe, the part assumed by France on the borders of that new world was peculiar, and is little recognized.  While the Spaniard roamed sea and land, burning for achievement, red-hot with bigotry and avarice, and while England, with soberer steps and a less dazzling result, followed in the path of discovery and gold-hunting, it was from France that those barbarous shores first learned to serve the ends of peaceful commercial industry.  

A French writer, however, advances a more ambitious claim.  In the year 1488, four years before the first voyage of Columbus, America, he maintains, was found by Frenchmen.  Cousin, a navigator of Dieppe, being at sea off the African coast, was forced westward, it is said, by winds and currents to within sight of an unknown shore, where he presently descried the mouth of a great river.  On board his ship was one Pinzon, whose conduct became so mutinous that, on his return to Dieppe, Cousin made complaint to the magistracy, who thereupon dismissed the offender from the maritime service of the town.  Pinzon went to Spain, became known to Columbus, told him the discovery, and joined him on his voyage of 1492.  

To leave this cloudland of tradition, and approach the confines of recorded history.  The Normans, offspring of an ancestry of conquerors,—the Bretons, that stubborn, hardy, unchanging race, who, among Druid monuments changeless as themselves, still cling with Celtic obstinacy to the thoughts and habits of the past,—the Basques, that primeval people, older than history,—all frequented from a very early date the cod-banks of Newfoundland.  There is some reason to believe that this fishery existed before the voyage of Cabot, in 1497; there is strong evidence that it began as early as the year 1504; and it is well established that, in 1517, fifty Castilian, French, and Portuguese vessels were engaged in it at once; while in 1527, on the third of August, eleven sail of Norman, one of Breton, and two of Portuguese fishermen were to be found in the Bay of Saint  John.  

From this time forth, the Newfoundland fishery was never abandoned.  French, English, Spanish, and Portuguese made resort to the Banks, always jealous, often quarrelling, but still drawing up treasure from those exhaustless mines, and bearing home bountiful provision against the season of Lent.  

On this dim verge of the known world there were other perils than those of the waves.  The rocks and shores of those sequestered seas had, so thought the voyagers, other tenants than the seal, the walrus, and the screaming sea-fowl, the bears which stole away their fish before their eyes, and the wild natives dressed in seal-skins.  Griffius—so ran the story—infested the mountains of Labrador.  Two islands, north of Newfoundland, were given over to the fiends from whom they derived their name, the Isles of Demons.  An old map pictures their occupants at length,—devils rampant, with wings, horns, and tail.  The passing voyager heard the din of their infernal orgies, and woe to the sailor or the fisherman who ventured alone into the haunted woods.  "True it is," writes the old cosmographer Thevet, "and I myself have heard it, not from one, but from a great number of the sailors and pilots with whom I have made many voyages, that, when they passed this way, they heard in the air, on the tops and about the masts, a great clamor of men's voices, confused and inarticulate, such as you may hear from the crowd at a fair or market-place whereupon they well knew that the Isle of Demons was not far off." And he adds, that he himself, when among the Indians, had seen them so tormented by these infernal persecutors, that they would fall into his arms for relief; on which, repeating a passage of the Gospel of Saint  John, he had driven the imps of darkness to a speedy exodus.  They are comely to look upon, he further tells us; yet, by reason of their malice, that island is of late abandoned, and all who dwelt there have fled for refuge to the main.  

While French fishermen plied their trade along these gloomy coasts, the French government spent it's energies on a different field.  The vitality of the kingdom was wasted in Italian wars.  Milan and Naples offered a more tempting prize than the wilds of Baccalaos.  Eager for glory and for plunder, a swarm of restless nobles followed their knight-errant King, the would-be paladin, who, misshapen in body and fantastic in mind, had yet the power to raise a storm which the lapse of generations could not quell.  Under Charles the Eighth and his successor, war and intrigue ruled the day; and in the whirl of Italian politics there was no leisure to think of a new world.  

Yet private enterprise was not quite benumbed.  In 1506, one Denis of Honfleur explored the Gulf of Saint  Lawrence; two years later, Aubert of Dieppe followed on his track; and in 1518, the Baron de Lery made an abortive attempt at settlement on Sable Island, where the cattle left by him remained and multiplied.  

The crown passed at length to Francis of Angouleme.  There were in his nature seeds of nobleness,—seeds destined to bear little fruit.  Chivalry and honor were always on his lips; but Francis the First, a forsworn gentleman, a despotic king, vainglorious, selfish, sunk in debaucheries, was but the type of an era which retained the forms of the Middle Age without its soul, and added to a still prevailing barbarism the pestilential vices which hung fog-like around the dawn of civilization.  Yet he esteemed arts and letters, and, still more, coveted the eclat which they could give.  The light which was beginning to pierce the feudal darkness gathered its rays around his throne.  Italy was rewarding the robbers who preyed on her with the treasures of her knowledge and her culture; and Italian genius, of whatever stamp, found ready patronage at the hands of Francis.  Among artists, philosophers, and men of letters enrolled in his service stands the humbler name of a Florentine navigator, John Verrazzano.  

He was born of an ancient family, which could boast names eminent in Florentine history, and of which the last survivor died in 1819.  He has been called a pirate, and he was such in the same sense in which Drake, Hawkins, and other valiant sea-rovers of his own and later times, merited the name; that is to say, he would plunder and kill a Spaniard on the high seas without waiting for a declaration of war.  

The wealth of the Indies was pouring into the coffers of Charles the Fifth, and the exploits of Cortes had given new lustre to his crown.  Francis the First begrudged his hated rival the glories and profits of the New World.  He would fain have his share of the prize; and Verrazzano, with four ships, was despatched to seek out a passage westward to the rich kingdom of Cathay.  

Some doubt has of late been cast on the reality of this voyage of Verrazzano, and evidence, mainly negative in kind, has been adduced to prove the story of it a fabrication; but the difficulties of incredulity appear greater than those of belief, and no ordinary degree of scepticism is required to reject the evidence that the narrative is essentially true.  

Towards the end of the year 1523, his four ships sailed from Dieppe; but a storm fell upon him, and, with two of the vessels, he ran back in distress to a port of Brittany.  What became of the other two does not appear.  Neither is it clear why, after a preliminary cruise against the Spaniards, he pursued his voyage with one vessel alone, a caravel called the "Dauphine." With her he made for Madeira, and, on the seventeenth of January, 1524, set sail from a barren islet in its neighborhood, and bore away for the unknown world.  In forty-nine days they neared a low shore, not far from the site of Wilmington in North Carolina, "a newe land," exclaims the voyager, "never before seen of any man, either auncient or moderne." Verrazzano steered southward in search of a harbor, and, finding none, turned northward again.  Presently he sent a boat ashore.  The inhabitants, who had fled at first, soon came down to the strand in wonder and admiration, pointing out a landing-place, and making gestures of friendship.  "These people," says Verrazzano, "goe altogether naked, except only certain skinnes of beastes like unto marterns, which they fasten onto a narrowe girdle made of grasse.  They are of colour russet, and not much unlike the Saracens, their hayre blacke, thicke, and not very long, which they tye togeather in a knot behinde, and weare it like a taile." 

He describes the shore as consisting of small low hillocks of fine sand, intersected by creeks and inlets, and beyond these a country "full of Palme ,pine, trees, Bay trees, and high Cypresse trees, and many other sortes of trees, vnknowne in Europe, which yeeld most sweete sanours, farre from the shore." Still advancing northward, Verrazzano sent a boat for a supply of water.  The surf ran high, and the crew could not land; but an adventurous young sailor jumped overboard and swam shoreward with a gift of beads and trinkets for the Indians, who stood watching him.  His heart failed as he drew near; he flung his gift among them, turned, and struck out for the boat.  The surf dashed him back, flinging him with violence on the beach among the recipients of his bounty, who seized him by the arms and legs, and, while he called lustily for aid, answered him with outcries designed to allay his terrors.  Next they kindled a great fire,—doubtless to roast and devour him before the eyes of his comrades, gazing in horror from their boat.  On the contrary, they carefully warmed him, and were trying to dry his clothes, when, recovering from his bewilderment, he betrayed a strong desire to escape to his friends; whereupon, "with great love, clapping him fast about, with many embracings," they led him to the shore, and stood watching till he had reached the boat.  

It only remained to requite this kindness, and an opportunity soon occurred; for, coasting the shores of Virginia or Maryland, a party went on shore and found an old woman, a young girl, and several children, hiding with great terror in the grass.  Having, by various blandishments, gained their confidence, they carried off one of the children as a curiosity, and, since the girl was comely, would fain have taken her also, but desisted by reason of her continual screaming.  

Verrazzano's next resting-place was the Bay of New York.  Rowing up in his boat through the Narrows, under the steep heights of Staten Island, he saw the harbor within dotted with canoes of the feathered natives, coming from the shore to welcome him.  But what most engaged the eyes of the white men were the fancied signs of mineral wealth in the neighboring hills.  

Following the shores of Long Island, they came to an island, which may have been Block Island, and thence to a harbor, which was probably that of Newport.  Here they stayed fifteen days, most courteously received by the inhabitants.  Among others appeared two chiefs, gorgeously arrayed in painted deer-skins,—kings, as Verrazzano calls them, with attendant gentlemen; while a party of squaws in a canoe, kept by their jealous lords at a safe distance from the caravel, figure in the narrative as the queen and her maids.  The Indian wardrobe had been taxed to its utmost to do the strangers honor,—copper bracelets, lynx-skins, raccoon-skins, and faces bedaubed with gaudy colors.  

Again they spread their sails, and on the fifth of May bade farewell to the primitive hospitalities of Newport, steered along the rugged coasts of New England, and surveyed, ill pleased, the surf-beaten rocks, the pine-tree and the fir, the shadows and the gloom of mighty forests.  Here man and nature alike were savage and repellent.  Perhaps some plundering straggler from the fishing-banks, some manstealer like the Portuguese Cortereal, or some kidnapper of children and ravisher of squaws like themselves, had warned the denizens of the woods to beware of the worshippers of Christ.  Their only intercourse was in the way of trade.  From the brink of the rocks which overhung the sea the Indians would let down a cord to the boat below, demand fish-hooks, knives, and steel, in barter for their furs, and, their bargain made, salute the voyagers with unseemly gestures of derision and scorn.  The French once ventured ashore; but a war-whoop and a shower of arrows sent them back to their boats.  

Verrazzano coasted the seaboard of Maine, and sailed northward as far as Newfoundland, whence, provisions failing, he steered for France.  He had not found a passage to Cathay, but he had explored the American coast from the thirty-fourth degree to the fiftieth, and at various points had penetrated several leagues into the country.  On the eighth of July, he wrote from Dieppe to the King the earliest description known to exist of the shores of the United States.  

Great was the joy that hailed his arrival, and great were the hopes of emolument and wealth from the new-found shores.  The merchants of Lyons were in a flush of expectation.  For himself, he was earnest to return, plant a colony, and bring the heathen tribes within the pale of the Church.  But the time was inauspicious.  The year of his voyage was to France a year of disasters,—defeat in Italy, the loss of Milan, the death of the heroic Bayard; and, while Verrazzano was writing his narrative at Dieppe, the traitor Bourbon was invading Provence.  Preparation, too, was soon on foot for the expedition which, a few months later, ended in the captivity of Francis on the field of Pavia.  Without a king, without an army, without money, convulsed within, and threatened from without, France after that humiliation was in no condition to renew her Transatlantic enterprise.  

Henceforth few traces remain of the fortunes of Verrazzano.  Ramusio affirms, that, on another voyage, he was killed and eaten by savages, in sight of his followers; and a late writer hazards the conjecture that this voyage, if made at all, was made in the service of Henry the Eighth of England.  But a Spanish writer affirms that, in 1527, he was hanged at Puerto del Pico as a pirate, and this assertion is fully confirmed by authentic documents recently brought to light.  

The fickle-minded King, always ardent at the outset of an enterprise and always flagging before its close, divided, moreover, between the smiles of his mistresses and the assaults of his enemies, might probably have dismissed the New World from his thoughts.  But among the favorites of his youth was a high-spirited young noble, Philippe de BrionChabot, the partner of his joustings and tennis-playing, his gaming and gallantries.  He still stood high in the royal favor, and, after the treacherous escape of Francis from captivity, held the office of Admiral of France.  When the kingdom had rallied in some measure from its calamnities, he conceived the purpose of following up the path which Verrazzano had opened.  

The ancient town of Saint  Malo—thrust out like a buttress into the sea, strange and grim of aspect, breathing war front its walls and battlements of ragged stone, a stronghold of privateers, the home of a race whose intractable and defiant independence neither time nor change has subdued—has been for centuries a nursery of hardy mariners.  Among the earliest and most eminent on its list stands the name of Jacques Cartier.  His portrait hangs in the town-hall of Saint  Malo,—bold, keen features bespeaking a spirit not apt to quail before the wrath of man or of the elements.  In him Chabot found a fit agent of his design, if, indeed, its suggestion is not due to the Breton navigator.  

Sailing from Saint  Malo on the twentieth of April, 1534, Cartier steered for Newfoundland, passed through the Straits of Belle Isle, entered the Gulf of Chaleurs, planted a cross at Gaspe, and, never doubting that he was on the high road to Cathay, advanced up the Saint  Lawrence till he saw the shores of Anticosti.  But autumnal storms were gathering.  The voyagers took counsel together, turned their prows eastward, and bore away for France, carrying thither, as a sample of the natural products of the New World, two young Indians, lured into their clutches by an act of villanous treachery.  The voyage was a mere reconnoissance.  

The spirit of discovery was awakened.  A passage to India could be found, and a new France built up beyond the Atlantic.  Mingled with such views of interest and ambition was another motive scarcely less potent.  The heresy of Luther was convulsing Germany, and the deeper heresy of Calvin infecting France.  Devout Catholics, kindling with redoubled zeal, would fain requite the Church for her losses in the Old World by winning to her fold the infidels of the New.  But, in pursuing an end at once so pious and so politic, Francis the First was setting at naught the supreme Pontiff himself, since, by the preposterous bull of Alexander the Sixth, all America had been given to the Spaniards.  

In October, 1534, Cartier received from Chabot another commission, and, in spite of secret but bitter opposition from jealous traders of Saint  Malo, he prepared for a second voyage.  Three vessels, the largest not above a hundred and twenty tons, were placed at his disposal, and Claude de Pontbriand, Charles de la Pommeraye, and other gentlemen of birth, enrolled themselves for the adventure.  On the sixteenth of May, 1535, officers and sailors assembled in the cathedral of Saint  Malo, where, after confession and mass, they received the parting blessing of the bishop.  Three days later they set sail.  The dingy walls of the rude old seaport, and the white rocks that line the neighboring shores of Brittany, faded from their sight, and soon they were tossing in a furious tempest.  The scattered ships escaped the danger, and, reuniting at the Straits of Belle Isle, steered westward along the coast of Labrador, till they reached a small bay opposite the island of Anticosti.  Cartier called it the Bay of Saint  Lawrence,—a name afterwards extended to the entire gulf, and to the great river above.  

To ascend this great river, and tempt the hazards of its intricate navigation with no better pilots than the two young Indians kidnapped the year before, was a venture of no light risk.  But skill or fortune prevailed; and, on the first of September, the voyagers reached in safety the gorge of the gloomy Saguenay, with its towering cliffs and sullen depth of waters.  Passing the Isle aux Coudres, and the lofty promontory of Cape Tourmente, they came to anchor in a quiet channel between the northern shore and the margin of a richly wooded island, where the trees were so thickly hung with grapes that Cartier named it the Island of Bacchus.  

Indians came swarming from the shores, paddled their canoes about the ships, and clambered to the decks to gaze in bewilderment at the novel scene, and listen to the story of their travelled countrymen, marvellous in their ears as a visit to another planet.  Cartier received them kindly, listened to the long harangue of the great chief Donnacona, regaled him with bread and wine; and, when relieved at length of his guests, set forth in a boat to explore the river above.  

As he drew near the opening of the channel, the Hochelaga again spread before him the broad expanse of its waters.  A mighty promontory, rugged and bare, thrust its scarped front into the surging current.  Here, clothed in the majesty of solitude, breathing the stern poetry of the wilderness, rose the cliffs now rich with heroic memories, where the fiery Count Frontenac cast defiance at his foes, where Wolfe, Montcalm, and Montgomery fell.  As yet, all was a nameless barbarism, and a cluster of wigwams held the site of the rock-built city of Quebec.  Its name was Stadacone, and it owned the sway of the royal Donnacona.  

Cartier set out to visit this greasy potentate; ascended the river Saint  Charles, by him called the Saint  Croix, landed, crossed the meadows, climbed the rocks, threaded the forest, and emerged upon a squalid hamlet of bark cabins.  When, having satisfied their curiosity, he and his party were rowing for the ships, a friendly interruption met them at the mouth of the Saint  Charles.  An old chief harangued them from the bank, men, boys, and children screeched welcome from the meadow, and a troop of hilarious squaws danced knee-deep in the water.  The gift of a few strings of beads completed their delight and redoubled their agility; and, from the distance of a mile, their shrill songs of jubilation still reached the ears of the receding Frenchmen.  

The hamlet of Stadacone, with its king, Donnacona, and its naked lords and princes, was not the metropolis of this forest state, since a town far greater—so the Indians averred—stood by the brink of the river, many days' journey above.  It was called Hochelaga, and the great river itself, with a wide reach of adjacent country, had borrowed its name.  Thither, with his two young Indians as guides, Cartier resolved to go; but misgivings seized the guides as the time drew near, while Donnacona and his tribesmen, jealous of the plan, set themselves to thwart it.  The Breton captain turned a deaf ear to their dissuasions; on which, failing to touch his reason, they appealed to his fears.  

One morning, as the ships still lay at anchor, the French beheld three Indian devils descending in a canoe towards them, dressed in black and white dog-skins, with faces black as ink, and horns long as a man's arm.  Thus arrayed, they drifted by, while the principal fiend, with fixed eyes, as of one piercing the secrets of futurity, uttered in a loud voice a long harangue.  Then they paddled for the shore; and no sooner did they reach it than each fell flat like a dead man in the bottom of the canoe.  Aid, however, was at hand; for Donnacona and his tribesmen, rushing pell-mell from the adjacent woods, raised the swooning masqueraders, and, with shrill clamors, bore them in their arms within the sheltering thickets.  Here, for a full half-hour, the French could hear them haranguing in solemn conclave.  Then the two young Indians whom Cartier had brought back from France came out of the bushes, enacting a pantomime of amazement and terror, clasping their hands, and calling on Christ and the Virgin; whereupon Cartier, shouting from the vessel, asked what was the matter.  They replied, that the god Coudonagny had sent to warn the French against all attempts to ascend the great river, since, should they persist, snows, tempests, and drifting ice would requite their rashness with inevitable ruin.  The French replied that Coudonagny was a fool; that he could not hurt those who believed in Christ; and that they might tell this to his three messengers.  The assembled Indians, with little reverence for their deity, pretended great contentment at this assurance, and danced for joy along the beach.  

Cartier now made ready to depart.  And, first, he caused the two larger vessels to be towed for safe harborage within the mouth of the Saint  Charles.  With the smallest, a galleon of forty tons, and two open boats, carrying in all fifty sailors, besides Pontbriand, La Pommeraye, and other gentlemen, he set out for Hochelaga.  

Slowly gliding on their way by walls of verdure brightened in the autumnal sun, they saw forests festooned with grape-vines, and waters alive with wild-fowl; they heard the song of the blackbird, the thrush, and, as they fondly thought, the nightingale.  The galleon grounded; they left her, and, advancing with the boats alone, on the second of October neared the goal of their hopes, the mysterious Hochelaga.  

Just below where now are seen the quays and storehouses of Montreal, a thousand Indians thronged the shore, wild with delight, dancing, singing, crowding about the strangers, and showering into the boats their gifts of fish and maize; and, as it grew dark, fires lighted up the night, while, far and near, the French could see the excited savages leaping and rejoicing by the blaze.  

At dawn of day, marshalled and accoutred, they marched for Hochelaga.  An Indian path led them through the forest which covered the site of Montreal.  The morning air was chill and sharp, the leaves were changing hue, and beneath the oaks the ground was thickly strewn with acorns.  They soon met an Indian chief with a party of tribesmen, or, as the old narrative has it, "one of the principal lords of the said city," attended with a numerous retinue.  Greeting them after the concise courtesy of the forest, he led them to a fire kindled by the side of the path for their comfort and refreshment, seated them on the ground, and made them a long harangue, receiving in requital of his eloquence two hatchets, two knives, and a crucifix, the last of which he was invited to kiss.  This done, they resumed their march, and presently came upon open fields, covered far and near with the ripened maize, its leaves rustling, and its yellow grains gleaming between the parting husks.  Before them, wrapped in forests painted by the early frosts, rose the ridgy back of the Mountain of Montreal, and below, encompassed with its corn-fields, lay the Indian town.  Nothing was visible but its encircling palisades.  They were of trunks of trees, set in a triple row.  The outer and inner ranges inclined till they met and crossed near the summit, while the upright row between them, aided by transverse braces, gave to the whole an abundant strength.  Within were galleries for the defenders, rude ladders to mount them, and magazines of stones to throw down on the heads of assailants.  It was a mode of fortification practised by all the tribes speaking dialects of the Iroquois.  

The voyagers entered the narrow portal.  Within, they saw some fifty of those large oblong dwellings so familiar in after years to the eyes of the Jesuit apostles in Iroquois and Huron forests.  They were about fifty yards in length, and twelve or fifteen wide, framed of sapling poles closely covered with sheets of bark, and each containing several fires and several families.  In the midst of the town was an open area, or public square, a stone's throw in width.  Here Cartier and his followers stopped, while the surrounding houses of bark disgorged their inmates,—swarms of children, and young women and old, their infants in their arms.  They crowded about the visitors, crying for delight, touching their beards, feeling their faces, and holding up the screeching infants to be touched in turn.  The marvellous visitors, strange in hue, strange in attire, with moustached lip and bearded chin, with arquebuse, halberd, helmet, and cuirass, seemed rather demigods than men.  

Due time having been allowed for this exuberance of feminine rapture, the warriors interposed, banished the women and children to a distance, and squatted on the ground around the French, row within row of swarthy forms and eager faces, "as if," says Cartier, "we were going to act a play." Then appeared a troop of women, each bringing a mat, with which they carpeted the bare earth for the behoof of their guests.  The latter being seated, the chief of the nation was borne before them on a deerskin by a number of his tribesmen, a bedridden old savage, paralyzed and helpless, squalid as the rest in his attire, and distinguished only by a red fillet, inwrought with the dyed quills of the Canada porcupine, encircling his lank black hair.  They placed him on the ground at Cartier's feet and made signs of welcome for him, while he pointed feebly to his powerless limbs, and implored the healing touch from the hand of the French chief.  Cartier complied, and received in acknowledgment the red fillet of his grateful patient.  Then from surrounding dwellings appeared a woeful throng, the sick, the lame, the blind, the maimed, the decrepit, brought or led forth and placed on the earth before the perplexed commander, "as if," he says, "a god had come down to cure them." His skill in medicine being far behind the emergency, he pronounced over his petitioners a portion of the Gospel of Saint  John, made the sign of the cross, and uttered a prayer, not for their bodies only, but for their miserable souls.  Next he read the passion of the Saviour, to which, though comprehending not a word, his audience listened with grave attention.  Then came a distribution of presents.  The squaws and children were recalled, and, with the warriors, placed in separate groups.  Knives and hatchets were given to the men, and beads to the women, while pewter rings and images of the Agnus Dei were flung among the troop of children, whence ensued a vigorous scramble in the square of Hochelaga.  Now the French trumpeters pressed their trumpets to their lips, and blew a blast that filled the air with warlike din and the hearts of the hearers with amazement and delight.  Bidding their hosts farewells the visitors formed their ranks and defiled through the gate once more, despite the efforts of a crowd of women, who, with clamorous hospitality, beset them with gifts of fish, beans, corn, and other viands of uninviting aspect, which the Frenchmen courteously declined.  

A troop of Indians followed, and guided them to the top of the neighboring mountain.  Cartier called it Mont Royal, Montreal; and hence the name of the busy city which now holds the site of the vanished Iloclielaga.  Stadacone and Hochelaga, Quebec and Montreal, in the sixteenth century as in the nineteenth, were the centres of Canadian population.  

From the summit, that noble prospect met his eye which at this day is the delight of tourists, but strangely changed, since, first of white men, the Breton voyager gazed upon it.  Tower and dome and spire, congregated roofs, white sail, and gliding steamer, animate its vast expanse with varied life.  Cartier saw a different scene.  East, west, and south, the mantling forest was over all, and the broad blue ribbon of the great river glistened amid a realm of verdure.  Beyond, to the bounds of Mexico, stretched a leafy desert, and the vast hive of industry, the mighty battle-ground of later centuries, lay sunk in savage torpor, wrapped in illimitable woods.  

The French re-embarked, bade farewell to Hochelaga, retraced their lonely course down the Saint  Lawrence, and reached Stadacone in safety.  On the bank of the Saint  Charles, their companions had built in their absence a fort of palisades, and the ships, hauled up the little stream, lay moored before it.  Here the self-exiled company were soon besieged by the rigors of the Canadian winter.  The rocks, the shores, the pine-trees, the solid floor of the frozen river, all alike were blanketed in snow beneath the keen cold rays of the dazzling sun .  The drifts rose above the sides of their ships; masts, spars, and cordage were thick with glittering incrustations and sparkling rows of icicles; a frosty armor, four inches thick, encased the bulwarks.  Yet, in the bitterest weather, the neighboring Indians, "hardy," says the journal, "as so many beasts," came daily to the fort, wading, half naked, waist-deep through the snow.  At length, their friendship began to abate; their visits grew less frequent, and during December had wholly ceased, when a calamity fell upon the French.  

A malignant scurvy broke out among them.  Man after man went down before the hideous disease, till twenty-five were dead, and only three or four were left in health.  The sound were too few to attend the sick, and the wretched sufferers lay in helpless despair, dreaming of the sun and the vines of France.  The ground, hard as flint, defied their feeble efforts, and, unable to bury their dead, they hid them in snow-drifts.  Cartier appealed to the saints; but they turned a deaf ear.  Then he nailed against a tree an image of the Virgin, and on a Sunday summoned forth his woe-begone followers, who, haggard, reeling, bloated with their maladies, moved in procession to the spot, and, kneeling in the snow, sang litanies and psalms of David.  That day died Philippe Rougemont, of Amboise, aged twenty-two years.  The Holy Virgin deigned no other response.  

There was fear that the Indians, learning their misery, might finish the work that scurvy had begun.  None of them, therefore, were allowed to approach the fort; and when a party of savages lingered within hearing, Cartier forced his invalid garrison to beat with sticks and stones against the walls, that their dangerous neighbors, deluded by the clatter, might think them engaged in hard labor.  These objects of their fear proved, however, the instruments of their salvation.  Cartier, walking one day near the river, met an Indian, who not long before had been prostrate, like many of his fellows, with the scurvy, but who was now, to all appearance, in high health and spirits.  What agency had wrought this marvellous recovery? According to the Indian, it was a certain evergreen, called by him ameda, a decoction of the leaves of which was sovereign against the disease.  The experiment was tried.  The sick men drank copiously of the healing draught,—so copiously indeed that in six days they drank a tree as large as a French oak.  Thus vigorously assailed, the distemper relaxed its hold, and health and hope began to revisit the hapless company.  

When this winter of misery had worn away, and the ships were thawed from their icy fetters, Cartier prepared to return.  He had made notable discoveries; but these were as nothing to the tales of wonder that had reached his ear,—of a land of gold and rubies, of a nation white like the French, of men who lived without food, and of others to whom Nature had granted but one leg.  Should he stake his credit on these marvels? It were better that they who had recounted them to him should, with their own lips, recount them also to the King, and to this end he resolved that Donnacona and his chiefs should go with him to court.  He lured them therefore to the fort, and led them into an ambuscade of sailors, who, seizing the astonished guests, hurried them on board the ships.  Having accomplished this treachery, the voyagers proceeded to plant the emblem of Christianity.  The cross was raised, the fleur-de-lis planted near it, and, spreading their sails, they steered for home.  It was the sixteenth of July, 1536, when Cartier again cast anchor under the walls of Saint  Malo.  

A rigorous climate, a savage people, a fatal disease, and a soil barren of gold were the allurements of New France.  Nor were the times auspicious for a renewal of the enterprise.  Charles the Fifth, flushed with his African triumphs, challenged the Most Christian King to single combat.  The war flamed forth with renewed fury, and ten years elapsed before a hollow truce varnished the hate of the royal rivals with a thin pretence of courtesy.  Peace returned; but Francis the First was sinking to his ignominious grave, under the scourge of his favorite goddess, and Chabot, patron of the former voyages, was in disgrace.  

Meanwhile the ominous adventure of New France had found a champion in the person of Jean Francois de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval, a nobleman of Picardy.  Though a man of high account in his own province, his past honors paled before the splendor of the titles said to have been now conferred on him, Lord of Norembega, Viceroy and Lieutenant-General in Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpunt, Labrador, the Great Bay, and Baccalaos.  To this windy gift of ink and parchment was added a solid grant from the royal treasury, with which five vessels were procured and equipped; and to Cartier was given the post of Captain-General.  "We have resolved," says Francis, "to send him again to the lands of Canada and Hochelaga, which form the extremity of Asia towards the west." His commission declares the objects of the enterprise to be discovery, settlement, and the conversion of the Indians, who are described as "men without knowledge of God or use of reason,"—a pious design, held doubtless in full sincerity by the royal profligate, now, in his decline, a fervent champion of the Faith and a strenuous tormentor of heretics.  The machinery of conversion was of a character somewhat questionable, since Cartier and Roberval were empowered to ransack the prisons for thieves, robbers, and other malefactors, to complete their crews and strengthen the colony.  "Whereas," says the King, "we have undertaken this voyage for the honor of God our Creator, desiring with all our heart to do that which shall be agreeable to Him, it is our will to perform a compassionate and meritorious work towards criminals and malefactors, to the end that they may acknowledge the Creator, return thanks to Him, and mend their lives.  Therefore we have resolved to cause to be delivered to our aforesaid lieutenant (Roberval), such and so many of the aforesaid criminals and malefactors detained in our prisons as may seem to him useful and necessary to be carried to the aforesaid countries." Of the expected profits of the voyage the adventurers were to have one third and the King another, while the remainder was to be reserved towards defraying expenses.  

With respect to Donnacona and his tribesmen, basely kidnapped at Stadacone, their souls had been better cared for than their bodies; for, having been duly baptized, they all died within a year or two, to the great detriment, as it proved, of the expedition.  

Meanwhile, from beyond the Pyrenees, the Most Catholic King, with alarmed and jealous eye, watched the preparations of his Most Christian enemy.  America, in his eyes, was one vast province of Spain, to be vigilantly guarded against the intruding foreigner.  To what end were men mustered, and ships fitted out in the Breton seaports? Was it for colonization, and if so, where? Was it in Southern Florida, or on the frozen shores of Baccalaos, of which Breton cod-fishers claimed the discovery? Or would the French build forts on the Bahamas, whence they could waylay the gold ships in the Bahama Channel? Or was the expedition destined against the Spanish settlements of the islands or the Main? Reinforcements were despatched in haste, and a spy was sent to France, who, passing from port to port, Quimper, Saint  Malo, Brest, Morlaix, came back freighted with exaggerated tales of preparation.  The Council of the Indies was called.  "The French are bound for Baccalaos,"—such was the substance of their report; "your Majesty will do well to send two caravels to watch their movements, and a force to take possession of the said country.  And since there is no other money to pay for it, the gold from Peru, now at Panama, might be used to that end." The Cardinal of Seville thought lightly of the danger, and prophesied that the French would reap nothing from their enterprise but disappointment and loss.  The King of Portugal, sole acknowledged partner with Spain in the ownership of the New World, was invited by the Spanish ambassador to take part in an expedition against the encroaching French.  "They can do no harm at Baccalaos," was the cold reply; "and so," adds the indignant ambassador, "this King would say if they should come and take him here at Lisbon; such is the softness they show here on the one hand, while, on the other, they wish to give law to the whole world." 

The five ships, occasions of this turmoil and alarm, had lain at Saint  Malo waiting for cannon and munitions from Normandy and Champagne.  They waited in vain, and as the King's orders were stringent against delay, it was resolved that Cartier should sail at once, leaving Roberval to follow with additional ships when the expected supplies arrived.  

On the twenty-third of May, 1541, the Breton captain again spread his canvas for New France, and, passing in safety the tempestuous Atlantic, the fog-banks of Newfoundland, the island rocks clouded with screaming sea-fowl, and the forests breathing piny odors from the shore, cast anchor again beneath the cliffs of Quebec.  Canoes came out from shore filled with feathered savages inquiring for their kidnapped chiefs.  "Donnacona," replied Cartier, "is dead;" but he added the politic falsehood, that the others had married in France, and lived in state, like great lords.  The Indians pretended to be satisfied; but it was soon apparent that they looked askance on the perfidious strangers.  

Cartier pursued his course, sailed three leagues and a half up the Saint  Lawrence, and anchored off the mouth of the River of Cap Rouge.  It was late in August, and the leafy landscape sweltered in the sun .  The Frenchmen landed, picked up quartz crystals on the shore and thought them diamonds, climbed the steep promontory, drank at the spring near the top, looked abroad on the wooded slopes beyond the little river, waded through the tall grass of the meadow, found a quarry of slate, and gathered scales of a yellow mineral which glistened like gold, then returned to their boats, crossed to the south shore of the Saint  Lawrence, and, languid with the heat, rested in the shade of forests laced with an entanglement of grape-vines.  

Now their task began, and while some cleared off the woods and sowed turnip-seed, others cut a zigzag road up the height, and others built two forts, one at the summit, and one on the shore below.  The forts finished, the Vicomte de Beaupre took command, while Cartier went with two boats to explore the rapids above Hochelaga.  When at length he returned, the autumn was far advanced; and with the gloom of a Canadian November came distrust, foreboding, and homesickness.  Roberval had not appeared; the Indians kept jealously aloof; the motley colony was sullen as the dull, raw air around it.  There was disgust and ire at Charlesbourg-Royal, for so the place was called.  

Meanwhile, unexpected delays had detained the impatient Roberval; nor was it until the sixteenth of April, 1542, that, with three ships and two hundred colonists, he set sail from Rochelle.  When, on the eighth of June, he entered the harbor of Saint  John, he found seventeen fishing-vessels lying there at anchor.  Soon after, he descried three other sail rounding the entrance of the haven, and, with anger and amazement, recognized the ships of Jacques Cartier.  That voyager had broken up his colony and abandoned New France.  What motives had prompted a desertion little consonant with the resolute spirit of the man it is impossible to say,—whether sickness within, or Indian enemies without, disgust with an enterprise whose unripened fruits had proved so hard and bitter, or discontent at finding himself reduced to a post of subordination in a country which he had discovered and where he had commanded.  The Viceroy ordered him to return; but Cartier escaped with his vessels under cover of night, and made sail for France, carrying with him as trophies a few quartz diamonds from Cap Rouge, and grains of sham gold from the neighboring slate ledges.  Thus closed the third Canadian voyage of this notable explorer.  His discoveries had gained for him a patent of nobility, and he owned the seigniorial mansion of Limoilou, a rude structure of stone still standing.  Here, and in the neighboring town of Saint  Malo, where also he had a house, he seems to have lived for many years.  

Roberval once more set sail, steering northward to the Straits of Belle Isle and the dreaded Isles of Demons.  And here an incident befell which the all-believing Thevet records in manifest good faith, and which, stripped of the adornments of superstition and a love of the marvellous, has without doubt a nucleus of truth.  I give the tale as I find it.  

The Viceroy's company was of a mixed complexion.  There were nobles, officers, soldiers, sailors, adventurers, with women too, and children.  Of the women, some were of birth and station, and among them a damsel called Marguerite, a niece of Roberval himself.  In the ship was a young gentleman who had embarked for love of her.  His love was too well requited; and the stern Viceroy, scandalized and enraged at a passion which scorned concealment and set shame at defiance, cast anchor by the haunted island, landed his indiscreet relative, gave her four arquebuses for defence, and, with an old Norman nurse named Bastienne, who had pandered to the lovers, left her to her fate.  Her gallant threw himself into the surf, and by desperate effort gained the shore, with two more guns and a supply of ammunition.  

The ship weighed anchor, receded, vanished, and they were left alone.  Yet not so, for the demon lords of the island beset them day and night, raging around their hut with a confused and hungry clamoring, striving to force the frail barrier.  The lovers had repented of their sin, though not abandoned it, and Heaven was on their side.  The saints vouchsafed their aid, and the offended Virgin, relenting, held before them her protecting shield.  In the form of beasts or other shapes abominably and unutterably hideous, the brood of hell, howling in baffled fury, tore at the branches of the sylvan dwelling; but a celestial hand was ever interposed, and there was a viewless barrier which they might not pass.  Marguerite became pregnant.  Here was a double prize, two souls in one, mother and child.  The fiends grew frantic, but all in vain.  She stood undaunted amid these horrors; but her lover, dismayed and heartbroken, sickened and died.  Her child soon followed; then the old Norman nurse found her unhallowed rest in that accursed soil, and Marguerite was left alone.  Neither her reason nor her courage failed.  When the demons assailed her, she shot at them with her gun, but they answered with hellish merriment, and thenceforth she placed her trust in Heaven alone.  There were foes around her of the upper, no less than of the nether world.  Of these, the bears were the most redoubtable; yet, being vulnerable to mortal weapons, she killed three of them, all, says the story, "as white as an egg." 

It was two years and five months from her landing on the island, when, far out at sea, the crew of a small fishing-craft saw a column of smoke curling upward from the haunted shore.  Was it a device of the fiends to lure them to their ruin? They thought so, and kept aloof.  But misgiving seized them.  They warily drew near, and descried a female figure in wild attire waving signals from the strand.  Thus at length was Marguerite rescued and restored to her native France, where, a few years later, the cosmographer Thevet met her at Natron in Perigord, and heard the tale of wonder from her own lips.  

Having left his offending niece to the devils and bears of the Isles of Demons, Roberval held his course up the Saint  Lawrence, and dropped anchor before the heights of Cap Rouge.  His company landed; there were bivouacs along the strand, a hubbub of pick and spade, axe, saw, and hammer; and soon in the wilderness uprose a goodly structure, half barrack, half castle, with two towers, two spacious halls, a kitchen, chambers, storerooms, workshops, cellars, garrets, a well, an oven, and two watermills.  Roberval named it France-Roy, and it stood on that bold acclivity where Cartier had before intrenched himself, the Saint  Lawrence in front, and on the right the River of Cap Rouge.  Here all the colony housed under the same roof, like one of the experimental communities of recent days,—officers, soldiers, nobles, artisans, laborers, and convicts, with the women and children in whom lay the future hope of New France.  

Experience and forecast had both been wanting.  There were storehouses, but no stores; mills, but no grist; an ample oven, and a dearth of bread.  It was only when two of the ships had sailed for France that they took account of their provision and discovered its lamentable shortcoming.  Winter and famine followed.  They bought fish from the Indians, and dug roots and boiled them in whale-oil.  Disease broke out, and, before spring, killed one third of the colony.  The rest would have quarrelled, mutinied, and otherwise aggravated their inevitable woes, but disorder was dangerous under the iron rule of the inexorable Roberval.  Michel Gaillon was detected in a petty theft, and hanged.  Jean de Nantes, for a more venial offence, was kept in irons.  The quarrels of men and the scolding of women were alike requited at the whipping-post, "by which means," quaintly says the narrative, "they lived in peace." 

Thevet, while calling himself the intimate friend of the Viceroy, gives a darker coloring to his story.  He says that, forced to unceasing labor, and chafed by arbitrary rules, some of the soldiers fell under Roberval's displeasure, and six of them, formerly his favorites, were hanged in one day.  Others were banished to an island, and there kept in fetters; while, for various light offences, several, both men and women, were shot.  Even the Indians were moved to pity, and wept at the sight of their woes.  

And here, midway, our guide deserts us; the ancient narrative is broken, and the latter part is lost, leaving us to divine as we may the future of the ill-starred colony.  That it did not long survive is certain.  The King, in great need of Roberval, sent Cartier to bring him home, and this voyage seems to have taken place in the summer of 1543.  It is said that, in after years, the Viceroy essayed to repossess himself of his Transatlantic domain, and lost his life in the attempt.  Thevet, on the other hand, with ample means of learning the truth, affirms that Roberval was slain at night, near the Church of the Innocents, in the heart of Paris.  

With him closes the prelude of the French-American drama.  Tempestuous years and a reign of blood and fire were in store for France.  The religious wars begot the hapless colony of Florida, but for more than half a century they left New France a desert.  Order rose at length out of the sanguinary chaos; the zeal of discovery and the spirit of commercial enterprise once more awoke, while, closely following, more potent than they, moved the black-robed forces of the Roman Catholic reaction.