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CHAPTER 4

 THE IRISH AND  SCOTCH WARS

THE successful Revolutionary party now enacted that the people of England and of all the dominions and territories thereunto belonging were constituted and established as a Commonwealth, or free state, to be governed by the representatives of the people in Parliament and by whom so ever the Parliament should appoint as officers and ministers; the king and the House of Lords being both abolished.  No provision was at first made by which any man should lawfully be recognized as chief in the new Commonwealth; but, as a matter of fact, there was one man, and one man only, who had to be acknowledged, however unwillingly, as master and leader.  There were many upright and able civil servants; many high-minded and fervent reformers; many grim and good captains; but waist-high above them all rose the mighty and strenuous figure of Oliver Cromwell.  It may well be that, hitherto, personal ambition had played an entirely subordinate part in all his actions.  Now, in the turmoil of the Revolution, in the whirlpool of currents which none but the strongest man could breast, he became ever more and more conscious of his own great powers-—powers which he knew were shared by no other man.  With the sense of power came the overmastering' desire to seize and wield it.

The first thing he had to do was to stop the Revolution where it was.  In every such Revolution some of the original adherents of the movement drop off at each stage, feeling that it has gone too far; and at every halt the extremists insist on further progress.  As stage succeeds stage, these extremists become a constantly diminishing body, and the irritation and alarm of the growing remainder increase.  If the movement is not checked at the right moment by the good sense and moderation of the people themselves, or if some master spirit does not appear, the extremists carry it ever farther forward until it provokes the most violent reaction; and when the master spirit does stop it, he has to guard against both the men who think it has gone too far and the men who think it has not gone far enough.

The extreme Levellers, the extreme Republicans, and, above all, the fierce and moody fanatics who sought after an impossible, and for the matter of that a highly undesirable, realization of their ideal of God's kingdom on this earth—all these, together with the mere men of unsettled minds and the believers in what we now call communism, socialism, and nihilism, were darkly threatening the new government.

Men arose who called themselves prophets of new social and religious dispensations; and every wild theory found its fanatic advocates, ready at any moment to turn from advocacy to action.  In the name of political and social liberty, some demanded that all men should be made free and equal by abolishing money and houses, living in tents, and dividing all food and clothing alike.  In the name of religious reform others took to riding naked in the market-place, "for a sign"; to shouting for the advent of King Jesus; or to breaking up church services by noisy controversies with the preachers.  The extreme Anabaptist and Quaker agitators were overshadowed by fantastic figures whose followers hailed them as incarnations of the Most High.

Black trouble gloomed without.  The Commonwealth had not a friend in Europe.  In the British Isles Scotland declared for Charles II as the king, not only of Scotland, but of Great Britain.  In Ireland but a couple of towns were held for the Parliament.

It was to the reconquest of Ireland that the Commonwealth first addressed itself, and naturally Cromwell was chosen for the work.  He was given the rank of lieutenant-general; but before he started he had to deal with dangerous mutinies and uprisings in the army.  The religious sectaries and political levellers, who had given to the army the fiery zeal that made it irresistible by Parliament or king, English Royalists or Scotch Covenanter, had also been infected with a spirit peculiarly liable to catch flame from such agitations as were going on roundabout.  Here and there, in regiment after regiment, were sudden upliftings of the banner of revolt in the name of every kind of human freedom, and often of some fierce religious doctrine quite incompatible with human freedom.  Cromwell acted with his usual terrible energy, scattered the mutineers, shot the ringleaders, and reduced army and kingdom alike to obedience and order.  Then he made ready for the invasion of Ireland.

The predominant motives for the various mutinies in the army offer sufficient proof of its utter unlikeness to any other army.  At the outset of the civil wars the Ironsides were simply volunteers of the very highest type; not wholly unlike, at least in moral qualities, some of those belated Cromwellians—the Boers of to-day.  They did not take up soldiering as a profession, but primarily to achieve certain definite moral objects.  Of course, as the force gradually grew into a permanent body, it changed in some respects; but the old spirit remained strong.  The soldiers became in a sense regulars; but they bore no resemblance to regulars of the ordinary type—to regulars such as served under Turenne or Marlborough, Frederick the Great or Wellington.  If in Grant's army a very large number of the men, including almost all the forceful, natural leaders, had been of the stamp of Ossawatomie Brown, we should have had an army much like Cromwell's.  Such an army might usually be a power for good and sometimes a power for evil; but under all circumstances, when controlled by a master hand, it was certain to show itself one of the most formidable weapons ever forged in the workshop of human passion and purpose.

Matters in Ireland were in a perfect welter of confusion.  Eight years had elapsed since the original rising of the native Irish.  A murderous and butcherly warfare had been carried on throughout these years, but not along the lines of original division.  On the contrary, when Cromwell landed, there had been a complete shifting of the parties to the contest, every faction having in turn fought every other faction, and, more extraordinary still, having at some time or other joined its religious foes in attacking a rival faction of its own creed.  The original rising was in Ulster, and was aimed at the English and Scotch settlers who had been planted under James in the lands from which the Irish had been evicted.  These "plantations" under James, not to speak of the scourge of Went-worth under Charles, were on a par with the whole conduct of the English toward Ireland for generations, and gave as ample a justification for the uprising as in the Netherlands the Spaniards had given the Dutch.  From the standpoint of the Irish, the war was simply the most righteous of wars— for hearthstone, for church, and for country.

This first uprising was one of Celtic Catholics.  In the Pale and elsewhere, here and there throughout Ireland, were large numbers of Old-English Catholics; these, unlike the Celts, did not wish separation from England, but did wish complete religious liberty for themselves, and, if possible, Catholic supremacy.  The Episcopalian and Royalist English throughout Ireland, under the lead of the Earl of Ormond, favored the king.  The Puritan oligarchy of Dublin favored the Parliament, and were in touch with the Scotch Presbyterians of Ulster.  The rising began to spread from Ulster southward.  The Catholics of the Pale were at first loyal to the king, but the Protestant leaders, in striking back at the insurgents, harried friend and foe alike, until the Pale joined with Ulster.  After this, all Ireland revolted.  Only a few fortified and garrisoned towns were held for the English.

Violent alterations of policy and of fortune followed.  Under the lead of the Roman Catholic clergy the revolt was consolidated.  Unswerving loyalty to the king was proclaimed, war was announced against the Puritans, and the re-establishment of Roman Catholicism as the state religion of Ireland was demanded.  On the Puritan side the lords justices in Dublin nominally acknowledged the king's authority, but really stood for the Parliament and hampered Ormond, who, while a stanch Protestant, was an ardent Royalist.  Ormond gained one or two victories over the insurgents in spite of the way in which the lords justices interfered with him.  Charles created him marquis, and he took command of the English interest, drove out the lords justices, and concluded a truce for one year with the Catholic party, in September, 1643.  They gave Charles a free contribution of thirty thousand pounds, and sent over some Irish troops to aid Montrose and the other Royalist leaders in Scotland, besides setting Ormond free to transfer part of his forces to the king in England.  But Munro and the Ulster Scotch refused to recognize the armistice, took the Covenant, and declared against the king; while, in the south, certain Protestant seacoast towns, under the lead of Lord Inchiquin, followed suit and acknowledged the Parliament.  Months of tortuous negotiations followed, King Charles showing the same readiness in promise, and utter indifference in performance, while dealing with the Irish as while dealing with the English.  The treachery of the king was made manifest by the discovery of his secret treaty with the Irish, when Sligo was captured.

Meanwhile, the papal nuncio, an Italian, had arrived, and exhorted the Irish to refuse any peace with the king except on the basis of the complete reinstatement of the Catholic Church.  He roused what would now be called the ultramon-tanes against the moderate Catholic party which was acting with Ormond.  Their wrangles caused a fatal delay, for by the time the moderates triumphed the king had been made a prisoner.  Their treaty of peace with the king was not signed till September, 1645, and it amounted to nothing, for the adherents of the Parliament rejected it on the one side, and the extreme Catholic party, the utterly intolerant and fanatical Catholics, under the nuncio, refused to be bound by it on the other.  In the north the Irish were led by Owen O'Neil, a member of the great Ulster house of that name, and under him they had beaten Munro and the Scotch.  He now hurried to the support of the nuncio.  The moderate Catholic leaders and Ormond fled to Dublin at his approach, and he was joined, after some hesitation, by Preston, the leader of the Irish forces in the south.  In 1647, Ormond, at his wits' end, handed over Dublin to the agents of the Parliament, and joined the Royalist refugees in France.

This for a moment eliminated the Royalists, and left the party of the nuncio, the party of the bigots and intolerant extremists, supreme among the Irish.  But when Jones, the Puritan leader, marched out of Dublin and defeated Preston, while in the south Lord Inchiquin won some butchering victories, the party of the moderates again raised its head.  Then there was a new and bewildering turn of the kaleidoscope.  Inchiquin suddenly became offended with the Parliament, made overtures to Preston, and then to Ormond.  A coalition was formed between the Royalist Protestants in Munster and the moderate Catholics.  The nuncio threatened the moderates with excommunication and interdict, and fled to O'Neil's camp.  Preston and Inchiquin joined forces and marched against O'Neil, so that civil war broke out among the insurgents themselves.

Colonel Jones, the victor over Preston, felt doubtful of his own troops, who included a number of Royalists, and, extraordinary to relate, he actually made terms with the nuncio and O'Neil as against the Protestant Royalists and moderate Catholics—the ultramontanes so hating the moderate Catholics that they preferred to come to terms with the Puritans.  Ormond now came over from France to head the moderates, the party of the Royalist Catholics and Protestants.  Peace was declared between Ormond and the Supreme Council of Dublin in the king's name.

But hardly had peace been declared when news arrived of the king's execution.  Ormond proclaimed Charles II, at Cork; most of the Irish outside of Ulster united under him, and Munro and the Scotch Presbyterians joined him.  The nuncio fled the country in despair.  The rupture between the Presbyterians and Independents was complete, and the Scotch became the open enemies of the English.  They began the siege of Derry, which Coote held for the Parliament.  At the same time they confronted O'Neil and the Ulster Irish, who were acting in alliance with Monk, who held Dundalk for the Parliament by order of Colonel Jones.  Inchiquin captured Drogheda for the Confederates.  Monk's garrison mutinied, and he had to surrender Dundalk.  Ormond began the siege of Dublin, but was routed by Jones, one of the sturdiest of the many sturdy Puritan fighters.  Meanwhile, the Puritan Parliament had disavowed the alliance with O'Neil and the Ulster Irish, and the latter were thus forced into the arms of Ormond, who found himself at the head of all the Irish and English Catholics, of the Scotch Presbyterians in Ulster, and of the Royalist Protestants elsewhere in Ireland.  It was at this time that Cromwell landed.

The exact condition of affairs in Ireland should be carefully borne in mind, because it is often alleged, in excuse of Cromwell's merciless massacres, that he was acting with the same justification that the English had when they put down the Indian mutiny with righteous and proper severity.  Without a doubt, Cromwell and most Englishmen felt this way; and in the case of the average Englishman, who could not be expected to understand the faction-fighting, the feeling was justifiable.  But it was Cromwell's business to know what the parties had been doing.  As a matter of fact, the wrong of the original Ulster massacre, which itself avenged prior wrongs by the invaders, had been overlaid by countless other massacres committed by English and Irish alike, during the intervening years; and the very men against whom this original wrong had been committed were now fighting side by side with the wrong-doers, against Cromwell and the Puritans.  Moreover, for some time the Parliamentarians had been in close alliance with these same wrong-doers against the moderate Irish, who were not implicated in the massacres in question, and against the Royalist Protestants, some of whom had suffered from the massacres and others of whom had helped avenge them.  The troops against whom Cromwell was to fight were in part Protestant and English, these being mixed in with the Catholics and Irish; and at the moment the chief Royalist leaders in Ireland included quite as many English, Scotch, and Irish Protestants, as they did Irish Catholics.

Cromwell recked but little of nice distinctions between the different stripes of Royalists and Catholics when, in August, 1649, he landed in Dublin, the only place in Ireland, save Derry, which still held out for the Parliament.  He brought with him the pick of his troops and soon had at Dublin some ten thousand foot and five thousand horse.  They were excellently disciplined; they included the Ironsides, the veterans of the New Model—grim Puritans for the most part, inflamed with the most bitter hatred against Catholics, Irish, and Royalists.  They had been welded into one formidable mass by Cromwell's rigid discipline, and yet were all aflame with religious and political enthusiasm.  There could not be gathered in all Ireland an army capable of meeting in the open field that iron soldiery, under such a leader as Cromwell; and this the Irish chiefs well knew.

Cromwell, therefore, had to deal with a numerous and individually brave but badly disciplined enemy, formidable in guerilla warfare, because theirs was a wild country of mountain and bog, and resolute in defense of their walled towns, but not otherwise to be feared by such troops as the Ironsides.  His first care was to put an end to the plundering and licentiousness which had hitherto marked the English no less than the Irish armies.  He completely stopped outrages upon the peasantry and non-combatants generally, besides protecting all who lived quietly in their homes.

In September he marched against Drogheda, into which Ormond had thrown three thousand picked men, largely English, under Sir Arthur Aston.  Cromwell had with him some eight thousand men when he sat down to attack it.  He brought up a siege-train, beating back the sallies of the garrison with ease, and meanwhile maintaining his strict discipline, and putting down pillage by the summary process of hanging the plunderers.

When his batteries were ready he summoned the governor to surrender, but the summons was refused.  For two days the guns kept up their fire, and then in the afternoon the assault was delivered.  The defenders met the stormers in the breaches; the fight was hot and stiff; the English were once repulsed, but came forward again and carried the breach only to be once more driven out by a fierce rally.

When Cromwell saw his men driven down the breach, he placed himself at the head of the reserve, and in person led it with the rallied men of the broken regiments, back to the breach.  This time the stormers would not be denied.  They carried the breach, the church—which was strongly held by the Irish—and finally the palisaded intrenchments of Mill Mount, in which Sir Arthur Aston had taken refuge.  The horse followed close behind the foot, and speedily cleared the streets of the hostile cavalry and infantry.  The victorious Puritans pressed on and a terrible slaughter followed.  Cromwell forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town, and they put to the sword over two thousand men.  Nearly one thousand were killed in the great Church of St.  Peter's.  "All the priests found," says Cromwell, "were knocked on the head promiscuously but two, both of whom were killed next day." Sir Arthur Aston, Verney, the son of the king's standard-bearer at Edgehill, and all the officers were put to the sword.  Two towers held out until next day, when they submitted; their officers were "knocked on the head," says Cromwell.  One tower fought hard; there every tenth man of the soldiers was killed; the rest, and all the soldiers in the other tower, were shipped to the white slavery of the Barbados.  Of the assailants, about a hundred were slain and several hundred wounded.
 
Said Cromwell: "We put to the sword the whole number of the defendants.  .  .  .  This hath been a marvellous great mercy.  I wish that all honest hearts may give glory of this to God alone, to whom indeed the praise of this mercy belongs.  

...  I am persuaded that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future, which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions, which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret.  The officers and soldiers of this garrison were the flower of their army."

Cromwell's defenders say simply that he acted from a fervent belief in the righteousness of what he was doing, and, further, that the terrible vengeance he took here and at Wexford upon all who withstood him in arms cowed the Irish and prevented further resistance.  Neither defense is tenable.  If on the ground of their sincerity the deeds of Cromwell and his soldiers at Drogheda and Wexford can be defended, then we cannot refuse the same defense to Philip and Alva and their soldiers in the Netherlands.  Of course, we must always remember that under Cromwell there was no burning at the stake, no dreadful torture in cold blood; and, therefore, at his worst, he rises in degree above Philip and Alva.  But in kind, his deeds in Ireland were the same as theirs in the Netherlands; and though the Puritan soldiers were guiltless of the hideous licentiousness shown by the Spaniards, or by the armies of Tilly and Wallenstein, yet the merciless butchery of the entire garrisons and of all the priests—accompanied by the slaughter of other non-combatants, in at least some cases —leave Drogheda and Wexford as black and terrible stains on Cromwell's character.  Nor is there any justification for them on the ground that they put a stop to resistance.  The war lingered on for two or three years in spite of them; and in any event the outcome was inevitable.  It does not seem to have been hastened in any way by this display of savagery.  There had been many such butcheries during the war, before Cromwell came to Ireland, without in any way hastening the end.  Cromwell and his lieutenants put down the insurrection and established order because they gained such sweeping victories, not because Cromwell made merciless use of his first victories.  It was the fighting of the Puritan troops in the battle itself which won, and not their ferocity after the battle; and it was Cromwell who not merely gave free rein to this ferocity, but inspired it.  Seemingly quarter would have been freely given had it not been for his commands.  Neither in morals nor in policy were these slaughters justifiable.  Moreover, it must be remembered that the men slaughtered were entirely guiltless of the original massacres in Ulster.

Immediately after Drogheda, Cromwell sent forces to Dundalk, which was held by the Irish, and to Trim, which was held by the Scotch; but the garrisons deserted both places at the approach of the Cromwellians.  In October, Cromwell himself advanced on Wexford and stormed the town.  Very little resistance was made, but some two thousand of the defenders were put to the sword.  This time the soldiers needed no order with reference to refusing quarter; they acted of their own accord, and many of the townspeople suffered with the garrison.  Practically, the town was depopulated, not one in twenty of the inhabitants being left.

Then Cromwell moved to Ross.  In spite of the slaughter which he made in the towns he stormed, he exercised such strict discipline over his army in the field, and paid with such rigid punctuality for all supplies which the country people brought in, that they flocked to him as they feared to do to their own armies, and in consequence his troops were better fed and able to march more rapidly than was the case with the Irish.  He soon took Ross, allowing the garrison to march out with the honors of war, and gave protection to the inhabitants.  When asked to guarantee freedom of religion he responded: "For that which you mention concerning liberty of conscience, I meddle not with any man's conscience.  But, if by liberty of conscience, you mean liberty to exercise the mass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let you know, where the Parliament of England have power, that will not be allowed of."

Three months after he landed, Cromwell had possession of almost all the eastern coast.  One of the remarkable features of his campaign had been the way in which he had used the army and the fleet in combination.  He used his admirals just as he had used his generals and colonels, and they played a very important part in the operations against Wexford and Ross, and in securing the surrender of both.  When he moved away from the coast his task was very difficult; there were no roads, the country had been harried into a wilderness, and was studded with castles and fortified towns, every one held by an Irish garrison.  Ormond and O'Neil were in the field with a more numerous force than his; and though they dared not fight a pitched battle, they threatened his detachments.  The service was very wearing, and in December Cromwell went into winter quarters, the weather being bad, and his men decimated by fever.  The triumphs won by his terrible soldiership rendered the conquest of the whole island only a question of time.

Having now a little leisure, Cromwell published, for the benefit of the Irish, a "Declaration," as an answer to a polemic issue in form of a manifesto at Kilkenny by the high Irish ecclesiastics.  In this Declaration, which is very curious reading, he exhorted the Irish to submit, and answered at great length the arguments of their religious leaders, with all the zeal, ingenuity, and acrimony of an eager theological disputant, and with an evident and burning sincerity to which many theological disputants do not attain.  The religious side of his campaigns was always very strong in his mind, and no Puritan preacher more dearly loved setting forth the justification of his religious views, or answering the arguments of his religious opponents, whether Catholics or Covenanters.

So far as Puritanism was based upon a literal following of the example set in the Old Testament, it had a very dark, as well as a very exalted side.  To take the inhuman butcheries of the early Jews as grateful to Jehovah, and therefore as justification for similar conduct by Christians, could lead only to deeds of horror.  When Cromwell wrote from Cork, justifying the Puritan zeal which he admitted could not be justified by "reason if called before a jury," he appealed to the case of Phineas, who was held to have done the work of the Lord, because he thrust through the belly with his javelin the wretched Midianitish woman.  No such plea can be admitted on behalf of peoples who have passed the stage of mere barbarism.

Drogheda and Wexford could not be excused by pointing out that the priests of the Jews of old had held it grateful to the Lord to kill without mercy the miserable women and children of the tribes whom the Israelites drove from the land.  Such a position was in accord with the mediaeval side of Cromwell's character, but was utterly out of touch with his thoroughly modern belief in justice and freedom for all men.  Queer contradictions appear in the above-mentioned "Declaration," written, as he phrased it, "For the undeceiving of deluded and seduced people." He showed that he was a leader in the modern movement for social, political, and religious liberty when he wrote: "Arbitrary power men begin to grow weary of, in Kings and Churchmen; their juggle between them mutually to uphold civil and ecclesiastical tyranny begins to be transparent.  Some have cast off both; and hope by the Grace of God to keep so.  Others are at it." But when he came to reconcile his own declarations for religious liberty with his previous refusal to permit the celebration of the mass, he was forced into a purely technical justification of his position.  He announced that he would punish, with all the severity of the law, priests "seducing the people, or, by any overt act, violating the laws established," but added: "As for the people what thoughts they have in matters of religion in their own breasts, I cannot reach; but shall think it my duty, if they walk honestly and peaceably, not to cause them in the least to suffer for the same." In other words, Catholics could believe what they wished, but were not allowed to profess their beliefs in the form that they desired, or to have their teachers among them.  To our American eyes such a position is so wholly untenable, so shocking to the moral sense, that it requires an effort to remember that it was in advance of the position taken in the next century by the English toward the Irish through their Penal Laws, and of the position taken in France toward the Protestants during the latter part of the reign of Louis XIV and all the reign of Louis XV, while of course it was infinitely beyond the theory upon which the temporal and spiritual authorities of Spain acted.

While the Irish campaign was at its height, the Scotch, who had declared for Charles II, made ready for war, and the English Parliament demanded Cromwell's return.  For some months, however, he remained in Ireland, capturing Kilkenny and various other towns and castles and constantly extending the area of English sway, driving the Irish westward.  His campaign was a model for all military operations undertaken in a difficult country, covered by a network of fortified places, and held by masses of guerillas or irregular levies, backed by the whole population.  After Clonmel was taken he handed over the command to Ireton; the heavy work had been done, and what remained to do was tedious and harassing rather than formidable, while the Scotch business could no longer wait.

In May, 1650, Cromwell landed in England, took his seat in the House of Commons, and was made captain-general and commander-in-chief of the forces, Fairfax having refused to take part in any offensive campaign against the Covenanters.  It is recorded that when Cromwell entered London, greeted by surging multitudes, some one called his attention to the way the people turned out to do him honor for his triumph; whereupon he dryly answered that it was nothing to the way they would turn out to see him hanged.

The refusal of Fairfax to march against the Scotch left Cromwell the only hope of the Commonwealth.  It cannot too often be repeated that, whether in the end Cromwell's ambitions did or did not obscure the high principles with which they certainly blended, yet he rose to supreme power less by his own volition than by the irresistible march of events, and because he was "a man of the mighty days, and equal to the days." In this world in the long run, the job must necessarily fall to the man who both can and will do it when it must be done, even though he does it roughly or imperfectly.  It is well enough to deplore and to strive against the conditions which make it necessary to do the job; but when once face to face with it, the man who fails either in power or will, the man who is half-hearted, reluctant, or incompetent, must give way to the actual doer, and he must not complain because the doer gets the credit and reward.  President Buchanan utterly disbelieved in the right of secession, but he also felt doubts as to its being constitutional or possible to "coerce a sovereign state," and therefore he and those who thought like him had to give place to men who felt no such doubts.  It may be the highest duty to oppose a war before it is brought on, but once the country is at war, the man who fails to support it with all possible heartiness comes perilously near being a traitor, and his conduct can only be justified on grounds which in time of peace would justify a revolution.  The whole strength of the English Commonwealth was in the Independents.  Royalists, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, extreme Levellers, were all against it.  When the Scotch declared for Charles II as king, not only of Scotland but of England, they rendered it necessary that either England or Scotland should be conquered.  Fairfax declared that he was willing to defend the English against the Scotch attack, but not to attack Scotland.  The position was puerile; a fact which should be borne in mind by the excellent persons who at the present day believe that a nation can be somehow armed for defense without being armed for attack.  No fight was ever yet won by parrying alone; hard hitting is the best parry; the offensive is the only sure defensive.  To refuse to attack the Scotch was merely to give them a great initial advantage in the inevitable struggle.  Cromwell was far too clear-sighted and resolute to suffer from over sentimental scruples in the matter.  Accordingly he undertook the task; did it with his accustomed thoroughness; and from that moment became, not merely the first man in the kingdom, but a man without a second or a third, without a rival of any kind.
Charles had landed in Scotland and been proclaimed king, but was forced not merely to take the Covenant but to make degrading professions of abandonment and renunciation of his father's acts and principles.  He was, after all, to be a king only in name, if the dominant party in Scotland could have its way.  Dour as Dopper Boers, the Covenanters were determined that the government should be, though in form royal, in essence a democratic theocracy, where the men of the strictest Calvinistic sect should all have their say in an administration marked by the most bitter intolerance of every religious belief which differed by even a shade from their own.  To get real religious liberty in those days one had to go to Rhode Island or Maryland; but at least the English Puritans were, in this respect, far in advance of the men against whom they were pitted.

There was also a Royalist party in Scotland, which had scant sympathy with the Covenanters, but was only allowed to exist at all by their sufferance.  When at this time Montrose landed to help the king, the Presbyterian friends of the king promptly overcame and slew him.  The Kirk was supreme, and in the army which it gathered to meet Cromwell it made zeal for the Covenant the all-important requirement for a commission.  It would not even permit places of command to be given to the officers who had marched with Hamilton's army.  The Royalists around the king complained bitterly that the commissions were most apt to go to sons of ministers, and if not, then to men whose godliness and religious enthusiasm were but poor substitutes for training and skill in arms.  Cromwell's soldiers possessed all of these qualities.  Devotion to country or to religion adds immensely to the efficiency of a soldier, but is a broken reed by itself.  Officers whose only qualifications are religious or patriotic zeal are better than officers who seek service to gratify their vanity, or who are appointed through political favor; but until they have really learned their business, and unless they are eager and able to learn it, this is all that can be said of them.

Cromwell marched north to the walls of Edinburgh, where David Leslie lay with the Covenanting army of the Kirk.  Leslie had fought under Gustavus Adolphus, and beside Cromwell at Marston Moor, where the Scotch insisted that they had saved the Cromwellians from defeat.  Now the two sides were decisively to test the question of supremacy.  But the contest was really utterly unequal.  Cromwell had a veteran army, one which had been kept under arms for years.  Leslie had an army which had been brought together for this particular war.  He was, therefore, under the terrible disadvantage which rests on any man who, with raw volunteers, confronts well-trained, well-led veterans.  There were under him plenty of officers and men with previous military experience—though, as the Royalist above quoted remarked, too many of the officers were "sanctified creatures who hardly ever saw or heard of any sword but that of the Spirit"—yet the regiments were all new, and the men had no regimental pride or confidence, no knowledge of how to act together, no trust in one another or in their commanders; while Cromwell's regiments were old, and the recruits in each at once took their tone from the veterans around them.

Although Leslie's force was twice that of Cromwell's, he knew his trade too well to risk a stricken field on equal terms, when the soldiers were of such unequal quality.  He accordingly intrenched in a strong position covering Edinburgh, and there awaited the English attack.  Cromwell was a born fighter, always anxious for the trial of the sword; a man who habitually took castles and walled towns by storm, himself at need heading the stormers, and who won his pitched battles by the shock of his terrible cavalry, which he often led in person, and which invariably ruined any foe whom he had overthrown.  He now advanced with too much confidence and found himself in a very ugly situation; his men sickening rapidly, while Leslie's army increased in numbers and discipline.  Like every great commander, Cromwell realized that the end of all manoeuvring is to fight—that the end of strategy should be the crushing overthrow in battle of the enemy's forces.  On this occasion his eagerness made him forget his caution; and all his masterly skill was needed to extricate him from the position into which he had been plunged by his own overbearing courage and the wariness of his opponent.

For some time he lay before Edinburgh, unable to get Leslie to fight, and of course unwilling to attack him in his entrenchments.  Sickness and lack of provisions finally forced him to retreat.  He believed that this would draw Leslie out of his works, and his belief was justified by the event.  The English now mustered some eleven thousand men, the Scotch, twenty-two thousand.  Leslie was still cautious about fighting, but the ministers of the Kirk, who were with him in great numbers, hurried him on.  He followed Cromwell to Dunbar, where he cut off the English retreat to England.  But his army was on the hills and was suffering from the weather.  He thought that the discouraged English were about to embark on their ships.  The ministers fiercely urged him to destroy the "sectaries" whom they so hated, and in the afternoon of December sd he crowded down toward the lower ground, near the sea.

Cromwell saw with stern joy that at last the Scotch had given him the longed-for chance, and true to his instincts he at once decided to attack, instead of waiting to be attacked.  Leslie's troops had come down the steep slopes, and at their foot were crowded together so that their freedom of move-men was much impaired.  Cromwell believed that if their right wing were smashed, the left could not come in time to its support.  He pointed this out to Lambert, who commanded his horse, and to Monk, the saturnine tobacco-chewing colonel, now a devoted and trusted Cromwellian.  Both agreed with Cromwell, and before dawn the English army was formed for the onslaught, the officers and troopers praying and exhorting loudly.  Their cry was: "The Lord of Hosts!'' that of their Presbyterian foes: "The Covenant!" It was a strange fight, this between the Puritan and the Covenanter, whose likeness in the intensity of their religious zeal and in the great features of their creeds but embittered their antagonism over the smaller points upon which they differed.

Day dawned, while driving gusts of rain swept across the field, and the soldiers on both sides stood motionless.  Then the trumpets sounded the charge, and the English horse, followed by the English foot, spurred against the stubborn Scottish infantry of Leslie's right wing.  The masses of Scotch cavalry, with their lancers at the head, fell on the English horse —disordered by the contest with the infantry—and pushed them back into the brook; but they rallied in a moment, as the reserves came up, and horse and foot again rushed forward to the attack.  At this moment the sun flamed red over the North Sea, and Cromwell shouted aloud, with stern exultation, "Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered," and a few moments later,'"They run! I profess they run!" for now the Scottish army broke in wild confusion, though one brigade of foot held their ground, fighting the English infantry at push of pike and butt-end of musket, until a troop of the victorious horse charged from one end to the other, through and through them.

Cromwell was as terrible in pursuit as in battle.  He never left a victory half-won, and always followed the fleeing foe, as Sheridan followed the Confederates before Appomattox.  The English horse pressed the fleeing Scotch, and their defeat became the wildest rout, their cavalry riding through their infantry.  Cromwell himself rallied and reformed his troopers, who sang as a song of praise the H7th Psalm; and then he again loosed his squadrons on the foe.  The fight had not lasted an hour, and Cromwell's victory cost him very little;' but of the Scotch, three thousand were put to the sword, chiefly in the pursuit, and ten thousand were captured, with thirty guns and two hundred colors.  Leslie escaped by the speed of his horse.  Never had Cromwell won a greater triumph.  Like Jackson in his Valley Campaigns, though he was greatly outnumbered, he struck the foe at the decisive point with the numbers all in his own favor, and by taking advantage of their error he ruined them at a blow.  Like most great generals, Cromwell's strategy was simple, and in the last resort consisted in forcing the enemy to fight on terms that rendered it possible thoroughly to defeat him; and like all great generals, he had an eye which enabled him to take advantage of the fleeting opportunities which occur in almost every battle, but which if not instantly grasped vanish forever.

The ruin of the Kirk brought to the front the Cavaliers, who still surrounded Charles and were resolute to continue the fight.  Both before and after Dunbar, Cromwell carried on a very curious series of theological disputations with the leaders of the Kirk party.  The letters and addresses of the two sides remind one of the times when Byzantine emperors exchanged obscure theological taunts with the factions of the Circus.  Yet this correspondence reveals no little of the secret of Cromwell's power; of his intense religious enthusiasm— which was both a strength and a weakness—his longing for orderly liberty, and his half-stifled aspirations for religious freedom.

He was on sound ground in his controversy with the Scottish Kirk.  He put the argument for religious freedom well when he wrote to the governor of Edinburgh Castle, concerning his ecclesiastical opponents.  "They assume to be the infallible expositors of the Covenant (and of the Scriptures), counting a different sense and judgment from theirs Breach of Covenant and Heresy—no marvel they judge of others so authoritatively and severely.  But we have not so learned Christ.  We look at ministers as helpers of, not Lords over, God's people.  I appeal to their consciences whether any 'man' trying their doctrines and dissenting shall not incur the censure of sectary? And what is this but to deny Christians their liberty and assume the Infallible Chair? What doth (the Pope) do more than this?"

There is profitable study for many people of to-day in the following: "Your pretended fear lest error should step in is like the man who would keep all the wine out of the country, lest men should be drunk.  It will be found an unjust and unwise jealousy to deprive a man of his natural liberty upon a supposition he may abuse it.  When he doth abuse it, judge.  If a man speak foolishly, ye suffer him gladly, because ye are wise.  Stop such a man's mouth by sound words which cannot be gainsayed.  If he speak to the disturbance of the public peace, let the civil magistrate punish him."

After Dunbar, Cromwell could afford to indulge in such disputations, for, as he said: "The Kirk had done their do." All that remained was to deal with the Cavaliers.  There is, by the way, a delightful touch of the "Trust in the Lord, and keep your powder dry!" type in one of his letters of this time, when he desired the commander at Newcastle to ship him three or four score masons, "for we expect that God will suddenly put some places into our hands which we shall have occasion to fortify."

The fate of the prisoners taken at Dunbar was dreadful.  War had not learned any of its modern mercifulness.  Cromwell was in this, as in other respects, ahead, and not behind, the times.  He released half of the prisoners—for the most part half-starved, sick, and wounded—and sent the rest under convoy southward, praying that humanity might be exercised toward them; but no care was taken of them, and four-fifths died from starvation and pestilence.

Meanwhile, a new Scotch army was assembling at Stirling, consisting for the most part of the Lowland Cavaliers, with their retainers, and the Royalist chiefs from the Highlands, with their clansmen.  Before acting against them, Cromwell broke up the remaining Kirk forces, put down the moss-troopers and plunderers, and secured the surrender of Edinburgh.  Winter came on, and operations ceased during the severe weather.

In the spring of 1651, he resumed his work, and by the end of summer he had the Royalists in such plight that it was evident that their only chance was to abide the hazard of a great effort.  Early in August Charles led his army across the Border into England, to see if he could not retrieve his cause there, while Cromwell was in Scotland; but Cromwell himself promptly followed him, while Cromwell's lieutenants in England opposed and hampered the march of the Royalists.  There was need of resolute action, for Charles had the best Scotch army that had yet been gathered together.  There was no general rising of the English to join him, but, when he reached Worcester, the town received him with open arms.  This was the end of his successes.  Cromwell came up, and after careful preparation, delivered his attack, on September 3rd.  Charles had only some fifteen thousand men; Cromwell, nearly thirty thousand, half of whom, however, were the militia of the neighboring counties, who were not to be compared either with Cromwell's own veterans, or with their Royalist opponents.  The fight was fierce, Cromwell's left wing gradually driving back the enemy, in spite of stubborn resistance; while, on the right, the Cavaliers and Highlanders themselves vigorously attacked the troops to which they were opposed.  It was "as stiff a contest for four or five hours as ever I have seen," wrote Cromwell that evening; but at last he overthrew his foes, and, following them with his usual vigor, frightful carnage ensued.  The victory was overwhelming.  Charles, himself, escaped after various remarkable adventures, but all the nobles and generals of note were killed or taken.  Nearly eleven thousand men were captured, and practically all the remainder were slain.

This was,  as  Cromwell said,  "the crowning mercy."    It was the last fight of the Civil War; the last time that Cromwell had to lead an army in the field.  From now till his death there never appeared in England a foe it was necessary for him to meet in person.