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‘I am for the square deal'
             LIFE AND WORK
OF
     theodore roosevelt

                    TYPICAL  AMERICAN
             Patriot, Orator, Historian, Sportsman, Soldier,
             Statesman and President
        By 
THOMAS H. RUSSELL, LL.D.
          1919

No Divided Allegiance in America
"There must be no sagging back in the fight for Americanism merely because the war is over. There are plenty of persons who have already made the assertion that they believe the American people have a short memory and that they intend to revive all the foreign associations which most directly interfere with the complete Americanization of our people. Our principle in this matter should be absolutely simple. In the first place, we should insist that if the immigrant who comes here does in good faith become an American and assimilate himself to us he shall be treated on an exact equality with everybody else, for it is an outrage to discriminate against any such man because of creed or birthplace or origin. But this is predicated upon the man's becoming in very fact an American, and nothing but an American. If he tries to keep segregated with men of his own origin and separated from the rest of America then he isn't doing his part as an American. There can be no divided allegiance at all."
—theodore roosevelt.

PREFACE
The passing of Theodore Roosevelt from the stage of American life leaves a noticeable blank in the busy scene, but draws public attention more than ever to the wonderful and distinctive character of his career.

More than merely interesting is the story of his life and work. It is full of instruction, by precept and example, for Americans of all classes and all ages. It is a story of which the reader will never tire. Abounding in action and achievement, it is extraordinary from beginning to end. Its publication in any form needs no excuse, but in the complete form in which it is presented in these pages, it is fairly demanded by the American people, who revere the memory of their great leader and would fain preserve it as a priceless heritage.

From the cradle to the tomb the career of Roosevelt was so thoroughly and typically American that its study may well be regarded as a national duty. Most certainly it is the duty of every American parent to give liis children the fullest possible opportunity to learn the lessons of this great career, and to profit by them.

This volume aims to present the wonderful Roosevelt story in such a manner that young and old may gather from its pages a complete and correct view of the great patriot in all his many-sided aspects. It is therefore replete with illustrative anecdotes of his career, as well as with the biographical details that are in themselves so unusually interesting.

The graphic illustrations are numerous, and with propriety they consist mainly of photographs that depict the great American in characteristic attitudes and scenes in all the multifarious stages of his career,
by meRRitt stark, M. A., LL. B.
A noble life has been lived. A noble life on earth has ended. The object of this sketch is to introduce an account of that life to the busy people of the world, and to the rising generation.

Theodore  Roosevelt was at his death the greatest private citizen of the world. He shared the life of his generation and molded its future more than any other man. Three principles of action were dominant throughout his life, and should be recognized at the outset. They were:
1.	To make the best use of his life.
2.	"To fear no evil"; and
3.	Noblesse oblige (nobility obliges). Nobility, which the accident of birth or opportunity confers, requires nobility of life.
Theodore quotes his father as telling him while a college freshman, and during the last year of the father's life, "that if I wished to become a scientific man, I could do so, *	* if I intended to do the very best work there was in me."

His daring was inborn. Before he was six, his mother said: "If the Lord hadn't loved Theodore, he'd have been dead long ago."

His father, Theodore Roosevelt, was in business, a glass importer; but he was a man of great public spirit. He drafted the Act of Congress creating the "Allotment Commission," officers who saw to it that an agreed part of the pay of the Civil War soldiers reached their families ; and served as New York commissioner of allotment with William E. Dodge and Theodore B. Bronson.

Roosevelt the father was one of the organizers of the Union League Club, the Sanitary Commission, the Soldiers' Employment Bureau, the Children's Aid Society, head of the State Board of Charities, and founder of the Roosevelt Hospital. He was nominated by President Hayes for Collector of the Port of New York, but rejected through the influence of Roscoe Conkling. The time for appointing a Collector on civil service principles had not come. Early in the 1800's two of the Roosevelts were aldermen of New York, when that was a title of honor and of public service. Isaac Roosevelt sat in the Constitutional Convention with Alexander Hamilton. The public spirit ran in the family.

Seven generations of Roosevelts preceded Theodore in New York, the first coming from Holland in 1644; and these Knickerbockers intermarried with Pennsylvanians, including English and Welsh Quakers, Scotch-Irish, Irish and Pennsylvania-Germans.

His mother's people were Southerners, Georgians, of predominantly Scotch, but inclusive of Huguenot French, and English descent. They included slave-holders, sea captains, and two Confederate naval officers. Theodore was a composite. His father well-earned Theodore's tribute, "the best man I ever knew"; and the family sobriquet of "Great Heart." Theodore's upbringing was religious. Morning prayers for a start, and evening dress for dinner, were indispensable; and the children enjoyed the parents' companionship and the prayers.'' I speak for you and the cubby-hole (sofa-arm next the father) too," was their cry as they raced for Ms coat-skirt, on the way to prayers. Before he was ten, he began collecting a zoo, and writing phonetically spelled natural histories.

Born October 27, 1858, in New York City (at old No. 28 East Twentieth Street); with two sisters and a brother he grew up in a normal and healthy family life. The summer home at Oyster Bay, on a hill overlooking Long Island Sound, in the familv from his grandfather's time, helped this. At ten he .made his first trip to Europe; and at fourteen his second, which was extended to Egypt and the Holy Land. From the beginning he was asthmatic and sickly and needed and received open-air treatment. At thirteen he got a gun, found out his need of spectacles, and put them on; and began stuffing birds.

Following his father's example, at fifteen he took, and for three years taught a Mission Sunday-school class in New York. He early became and throughout life remained a faithful member of the Dutch Reformed Church.

Entering Harvard at eighteen, he taught a mission class in Boston or Cambridge throughout his four college years. This did not prevent him one midnight on returning from a Boston opera from chasing Prof. Lane's fine cat over several fences, and finally capturing, skinning, and stuffing it; nor from beginning boxing lessons at fourteen, which he kept up through life, at the cost of an injury to the sight of an eye from a blow while in the White House. He learned to defend and take care of himself, and developed his natural love of fair play in a fair fight. Entering an exhibition match at the Harvard Gym, he stretched out his glove for the ring-courtesy handshake. His opponent, mistaking the gesture, warded it off and countered on Roosevelt's nob. Teddy hushed the laughs and hisses of the front seaters by holding up both hands and shouting in falsetto, "He didn't mean anything. He didn't understand."

His development makes a record of obstacles overcome by determined industry. A sickly child, he became a healthy man. Dependent on spectacles, he became a sure shot. Originally slight, and handicapped in physique, he became a good boxer and rider (the last at the cost of many falls, one yielding a broken arm, another a broken rib, and another a cracked shoulder joint) all by persistent training. Having a falsetto break in his voice, still he became a most skillful public speaker, by the native fire within him, and dint of much practice. A born sport rather than a student, at his graduation (A. B.) in 1880, he made the Phi Beta Kappa, which ranked him in the first tenth of his class in scholarship. The death of his father when Teddy was twenty (and half through college) brought a quick sobering of responsibility, and pushed him early into a man's estate.

In all this he was making the best use of his life. He feared no evil. Noblesse was written deep in his family inheritance. He was to ennoble it still further by public duty well performed.

All our sketches are inadequate; but an attempt at a birdseye view of some of the leading events of his life may be made with the help of this
Partial Chronology
Born in New York City in
1858

Graduate at Harvard in
1880

Law Student (New York University) in	 .1881

Elected   to   New   York   Legislature   three   times, in 
1881-1882-1883

Republican candidate for Speaker in
1883
    Delegate to New York Republican State Convention in
    1884

   First of the four Delegates-at-Large from New York to Republican National Convention (the other three being Andrew D. White, John I. Gilbert and Edwin Packard). (His practical management of the New York State Convention secured the election of these four delegates-at-large, and placed him at the head of the delegation which included George "William Curtis and Thomas C.    Platt)
    1884

Ranchman in North Dakota
1884-1889

Republican Candidate for Mayor of New York	
1886

United States Civil Service Commissioner	
1889-1895

President New York Police Commission	
1895-1897

Assistant Secretary United States Navy	
1897-1898
   
    Organized Rough Riders (First U. S. Volunteer Cav
alry), Lieutenant Colonel and Colonel in Cuba
Campaign, in which he took the lead in the bat
tles of Las Guasimas and San Juan Hill	
    1898

Governor of New York (elected in 1898)	
 1899-1900

Vice President of United States (unanimously nominated in 1900) 
1901

Succeeded to the Presidency September 14
1901

Elected President (by largest majority ever given a
candidate) 
1904

President of United States 7 years
1909

Initiated our Forest and Land and River Reclamation Policy
1901

Settled the coal strike
1902

Enforced the Monroe Doctrine in Venezuela, 
1902, 1903,
Enforced the Monroe Doctrine in Santo Domingo in
1905-1907
    Recognized Republic of Panama and initiated construction of Panama Canal in
    1903

    Re-elected President (is the only Vice-President who became President through the death of his predecessor and then succeeded himself)
    1904

Negotiated the Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty
1905

   Outlined solution of Algeciras Conference concerning Africa (France, Germany, Spain, Morocco, Italy and United States)
    1906

   (He wrote the terms on the French Ambassador's visiting card.) Received the Nobel Peace Prize	
    1906

   Established Roosevelt Foundation for Industrial
Peace 
    1907

Secured Santo Domingo Treaty, recognizing MonroeDoctrine
1907

Sent our fleet round the world—42,000 miles—(first national fleet to circumnavigate the globe) 
1907-1908

    Assembled first House of Governors in Conservation
movement 
    1908

Editor of "The Outlook"
1909-1914

Tour of Africa and Europe
1909-1910

Special Ambassador to England at funeral of Edward VII
1910

Lectured at European Universities, Oxford, Paris,
and Berlin (delivering the Romanes Lecture at
Oxford) 
1910
At the written request of Governors of seven Stateshe led the Progressive Campaign
1912

Toured South America
1913
Toured South America again; discovered and explored 600 miles of unknown river, which the Brazilian Government named after him, Rio Teodoro	
1914

Attacked "invisible government" in New York	
1914

Proved Ms attack and defeated Barnes libel suit... .
1915

Initiated the Preparedness movement	
1916

Declined  Progressive  nomination   and   supported Hughes
1916

Organized Roosevelt Legion of 150,000 men and tenered it to the Government
1917

Championed more efficient and vigorous prosecutionof war
1918

Gave four sons to the service (three wounded, one killed)  1918

Turned over Nobel Peace Prize to Soldiers' Aid Society	
1918

Some Results of His Life Work
150 National Forests with an area of over 300,000 square miles 5 great National Parks. 4 Reservations for Big Game 51 Bird Reservations. 22 Reservations of American Antiquities. 

His Land Reclamation, Forest, and Game Preserve Policy saved and dedicated to public use an area greater than all Germany—greater than the combined area of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. The twenty-two Reserves of American Antiquities, established through his efforts—a truly remarkable work— are as follows :

Name and State.	                     Year.            Acres.
Chaco Canyon, New Mexico	              1907          20,629
Cinder Cone, California	              1907           5,120
Devil's Tower, Wyoming	              1906           1,152
ElMorro, New Mexico	              1906	         160
Gila Cliff Dwellings, North Montana       1907	         160
Grand Quivira, New Mexico	              1909	         160
Grand Canyon, Arizona	              1908        806,400
Jewel Cave, South Dakota    	      1908           1,280
Lassen Peak, California	              1907           1,280
Lewis and Clark Cavern, Mont	      1908             160
Montezuma Castle, Arizona	              1906             160
Mount Olympus, Washington	              1909         608,640
Muir Woods, California    	              1908             295
Mukuntuweap, Utah	                     1909           15,840
Natural Bridges, Utah	                     1909            2,740
Navajo, Arizona	                     1909              600
Oregon Caves, Oregon	              1909	          480
Petrified Forest, Arizona           	      1906           25,625
Shoshone Cavern, Wyoming	             1909               210
Tonto, Arizona	                    1907	          640
Tumacacori,  Arizona	             1908                10
Wheeler, Colorado	                    1908	          300

He was the first to begin this system of Reserves. Since then, under the influence of his initiative, eleven other Reserves of American Antiquities have been added to the list.

He built the Panama Canal, the greatest public work in all history. From sea to sea, across the isthmus, he carved, "Theodore Roosevelt, his mark."
He built the Roosevelt Dam in Arizona (opened 1911). He raised the United States Navy from near the bottom to second place.

He made three fleets ready and munitioned; and sent Dewey to the Philippines, two months in advance of the Spanish war. The victories of Manila and Santiago and their fruits were due to his preparedness.

       At Santo Domingo in 1905 he made the United Statesreceiver of customs; paid forty-five per cent to Santo Domingo and fifty-five per cent to foreign creditors; restored peace without firing a shot; enforced the Monroe Doctrine. This was embodied in the treaty with Santo Domingo, ratified in 1907, and established a precedent followed in Costa Rica. He established a policy of civil protectorate for the smaller states.
Measures for Social and Industrial Justice and Welfare, he made
  leading public policies.
He enforced and extended the eight-hour law and made it alive.
Appointed the first Country Life Commission.
Secured Workmen's Compensation and Employer's Liability Laws.
Developed the Bureau of Mines.
Maintained the open shop, for both union and nonunion labor.

His book, "Conservation of Womanhood and Childhood," published in 1912, following his policy as Governor of New York, practically initiated the movement for national legislation to protect woman labor and forbid child labor, in works under Federal control.

When he became Civil Service Commissioner in 1889, he found 14,000 Government officers under the civil service rules. He left 40,000 there; and as Jacob Riis said in 1904, "there are 125,000 now, and when the ransomed number 200,000, it will still be Roosevelt's work." Appointed by President Benjamin Harrison, he fought and defeated Harrison's Postmaster General over the appointment of postmen in Indianapolis, Harrison's home town. He was retained in office by President Cleveland in 1893-4-5; and when Roosevelt insisted on retiring at the end of his term, Grover Cleveland wrote him: "You are certainly to be congratulated upon the extent and permanency of the civil service reform methods which you have so substantially aided in bringing about. The struggle for its firm establishment and recognition is past. Its faithful application and reasonable expansion remain, subjects of deep interest to all who really desire the best attainable service."

In 1890, after a year of service as National Civil Service Commissioner, he came to Chicago and helped us in our struggle for city and State civil service laws. At a mass meeting we held in Madison Street Theatre in March, 1890, addressing an audience, half supporters, half opponents, he said: "Every ward heeler who now ekes out a miserable existence at the expense of officeholders and candidates is opposed to our policy, and we are proud to acknowledge it. Every politician who sees nothing but reward of office in the success of a party or a principle is opposed to us, and we are not sorry for it. * * "We propose to keep a man in office as long as he serves the public faithfully and courteously. * * We propose that no incumbent shall be dismissed from the service unless he proves untrustworthy or incompetent, and that no one not specially qualified for the duties of the position shall be appointed. These two statements we consider eminently practical and American in principle." (Riis, pp 109-110.)

On Government operation of railways he said: "Before that question can be so much as discussed, it ought to be definitely settled that, if the Government takes control, of either telegraph line or railway, it must do it to manage it purely as a business undertaking, and must manage it with a service wholly unconnected with politics. I should like to call the special attention of the gentlemen in bodies interested in increasing the sphere of State action—interested in giving the State control more and more over railways, over telegraph lines, and over other things of the sort—to the fact that the condition precedent upon success is to establish an absolutely non-partisan governmental system. When that point is once settled, we can discuss the advisability of doing what these gentlemen wish, but not before." (Riis, p. 112.)

He exemplified the psychological truth that man cannot be split up into departments; that the intellect is the whole man thinking; the sensibilities are the whole man feeling; and the will is the whole man deciding. In few men are they so thoroughly commingled. Still, it is convenient to consider his qualities in the established classification.

Let us simply observe his personality in three groups of qualities; namely, those of his intellect, those of his ethical nature or character, and those of his temperament.
Leading traits of his intellect were:
1.	Nobleness.   He took things in the large, high way, and not in the low or petty way.
2.	Idealism.   He  saw  that  everything contains  a promise of something better; that everything could be improved.    He saw things both as they are in reality and also in imagination, as if the improvements had come into being, and things were freed of defects.
3.	Concentrated application.   His intellect was overpoweringly active.   His extraordinary endowments combined ceaseless activity with single-eyed attention to the chosen goal.   His industry was marvelous.   His intellect, sensibilities, and will combined instinctively in this.
4.	Insight or intuition.    He had immediate understanding of people.   He saw into things deeply and with instinctive perception. He simply absorbed the best thought of the past and of his time.
5. Geniality. He was intellectually akin to and attuned to the life of the world about him. He shared the life of his kind, human kind, and was always cordial and hearty and social, and of good fellowship. This trait characterized him intellectually, ethically, and temperamentally.

In his moral nature:

1.	Rectitude was his leading trait.   He was upright and downright.   He saw straight. He gave and demanded the square deal and fair play.   Out of this came
2.	Honesty.   He was honest to the core.
3.	Fidelity.   He was faithful.   He enlisted for the war.   He stayed through to the end.
4.	Patriotism.   He was always a plus American.
5.	Dutifulness.   He overflowed with zeal for good. In home life he was an exemplar.   Wife, children, parents, relatives, and countless friends, found him ever a model of clean, pure, high living.

In inborn temperament:

1.	Chivalrous courage comes first.   "I will fear no evil," was his attitude, consciously and unconsciously. He never feared the face of man.   "Fear God and Take Your Own Part" entitled one of his last books, and characterized his life.   His spirit was dauntless.   This was higher and deeper than fearlessness.   It was intrepid
gallantry for the worthy cause.
2.	Power, which is force, ready and easy in use, he had beyond most men.   He had phenomenal driving energy.   Vigorous, strong, rugged, he was indeed a man of might. Alertness.   He was ever quick.   He had dashing initiative.   "A young fellow of infinite dash and originality," said John Hay in 1901.
3.	Joyousness continuously radiated from him.   He delighted in doing his daily task and doing it well.   He was a clean, true sport.   He saw life as a strenuous work, brightened into a mighty game.   He always made the first move.   He drank delight of battle with his peers.   "Delighted" was the greeting in his heart and on his lips. He saw everything with a sparkle of humor.
4.	Unselfish ambition.   Just as he naturally saw that
things could be better, he was ambitious and determined to make them better.   "Follow the gleam" (of the vision of better things) was his natural rule of action.

He was a genius. A genius is an enlargement of the common mind and heart—a man with eye to see, heart to conceive, and hand to execute, more than other men. His power of concentration on the thing in hand and ease in transferring his concentrated attention to the next were great.

To illustrate—A Congressman brought him a Water Power Bill. The President slowly passed his eye down over it from beginning to end, and handed it back with the remark: "Yes, that's important, and the Waterways Commission ought to have that before them." "But, Mr. President, I should like to have you familiarize yourself with it. I believe it will interest you." "I have done so," replied Roosevelt, "you can examine me on it, if you wish."

A continental author and statesman was visiting New York during the campaign of 1910. A New York lawyer took him to an open-air meeting where Roosevelt was speaking. A voice in the crowd cried: "Tell us about
Cuba and San Juan Hill." T.R.:" Oh, you want to hear how we helped out the Cigar Makers' Strike?" And a concluding paragraph of the speech followed. Five minutes later, being introduced to the continental author, he said: "I enjoyed reading your new book on Social Democracy and especially your views in the seventh chapter."

Roosevelt's intellectual output is monumental.
In the thirty-seven years from 1882 to 1919, he for a time conducted a ranch, contributed articles to many periodicals, served as visitor to Harvard University, was editor of "The Outlook" four years, brought out forty-three volumes of books, and a similar volume of messages and reports, besides unnumbered editorials and addresses. The volumes may be classified thus:
Histories: Winning of the West, four volumes; Naval War of 1812, History of New York City, History of the Royal Navy (being the sixth volume of a large English work and dealing with the British Navy in the war of 1812), The Rough Riders, The Philippines (one volume each)	 9
Biographies: Of Cromwell, Benton and Grouverneur
Morris	 3
Science: The Deer Family; Life Histories of African
Game Animals (two volumes); Through the Bra
zilian Wilderness 	 4
Political and Literary Essays and Sketches	 13
Narratives and Sketches of Ranch Life, and Hunting
Experiences	 13
Autobiography	    1
It was a topic of conversation in North Dakota in the eighties, that he brought over a freight-car load of books with him and worked there in winter evenings on his "Winning of the West."

Of his quality as a nature-lover and observer, let John Burroughs speak. Describing a trip with Roosevelt through Yellowstone Park in the spring of 1903, he says: "A woman * * wrote me to protest against the hunting, and hoped I would teach the President to love the animals as much as I did—as if he did not love them much more, because his love is founded upon knowledge, and because they had been a part of his life. * * The President said: "I will not fire a gun in the park; then I shall have no explanations to make. * * The President suddenly jumped out, and with his soft hat * * captured a mouse that was running along over the ground near us. * * He wanted it for Dr. Merriam, on the chance that it might be a new species. While we all went fishing in the afternoon, the President skinned his mouse, and prepared the pelt to be sent to Washington. It was done as neatly as a professed taxidermist would have done it. This was the only game the President killed in the park. * * It turned out not to be a new species, as it should have been, but a species new to the park. * * His instincts as a naturalist * * lie back of all his hunting expeditions, and in a large measure * * prompt them. Certain it is that his hunting records contain more live natural history than any similar records known to me, unless it be those of Charles St. John, the Scotch naturalist-sportsman.	The chief qualification of a born observer is an alert, sensitive, objective type of mind, and this Roosevelt has in a preeminent degree." ("Camping with Roosevelt," pp. 6-41-66-7-103.)

And here we may remember his great constituency of young people. As the '' Tribune'' of his native city said: "Millions who have no spokesmen to make articulate : their emotions, who lack words to express their grief, mourn Theodore Roosevelt surely quite as sincerely as those who fill papers with their tributes and draw up resolutions of regret. Among these mute mourners are the boys of America. In their Pantheon Theodore Roosevelt, hero of San Juan, mighty hunter, slayer of lion, bear, wolf, and panther, explorer, occupied a throne more exalted than any mythical hero.

"He was the eternal boy. His were the boy's enthusiasms and unlimited capacity for swift movement of body and brain. And the boys shall mourn the passing of this full-colored, virile man long after grief has faded from older and colder hearts and minds, untouched by the eternal dawn."

He published over a book a year, besides administering all these offices, leading these public movements, and rearing a family of children.
Here are some of his literary titles:

Washington's Maxim (Address, U. S. Naval College, June, 1897): 
    "To be Prepared for War is the Most Effectual Means to 
      Promote Peace.
"The War of America the Unready." (1913.)
"Speak Softly—and Carry a Big Stick—You Will Go Far."
'' Our Poorer Brother.''
"The Strenuous Life."
"The Square Deal."
"Fear God and Take Your Own Part."•'Realizable Ideals."
'' Applied Idealism.''
"A Book Lover's Holiday in the Open."
"Ranch Life and Hunting Trail."
"The New Nationalism."
"The Peace of Righteousness."
"We Stand at Armageddon and We Battle for the Lord."

When he was born 83.9 per cent of our people lived on farms or in rural homes. Railways and other instrumentalities and influences drew the people to the cities. When he became President, although the total population had more than doubled, the rural population had fallen to 59.5 per cent of the whole. And with the urbanizing tendency came also the tendency to make each man part of a machine. Roosevelt, city born and bred, realized the need of conserving the farms and forests, the fauna and flora, the waters and minerals, the natural resources, and the men, women, and children of the land.

As Governor of New York, he brought together in the Executive Chamber at Albany, a conference of forty of the best guides and woodsmen of the Adirondacks, and initiated a program of forest, stream, and game preservation, and the propagation of food fish and sporting fish. "The game wardens in the forests must be woodsmen, and they should have no outside business." * * "The State should not permit within its limits, factories to make bird skins or bird feathers into articles of ornament or wearing apparel." * * "A primeval forest is a great sponge which absorbs and distills the rain water. And when it is destroyed the result is apt to be an alternation of flood and drought;"—said his message to the New York Legislature in January, 1900. As President he found Gifford Pinchot already in office as head of the infant Forestry Bureau, retained him there throughout his two presidential terms, and left him there. In Roosevelt's first message to Congress, December 3rd, 1901, he said: "The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal problems of the United States.'' June 17, 1902, the Land Reclamation Act was passed, under which during his term of office over 3,000,000 acres (an area approximating that of Connecticut) were reclaimed, irrigated, and made productive.

February 1, 1905, the Act was passed on his recommendation transferring the National Forests from the Interior Department, where they had been treated as part of the general public lands, to the Department of Agriculture, classifying them as part of the cultivated resources of the United States.

In 1907, the Government published sixty-one bulletins of Forestry, with a total of over 1,000,000 copies distributed to the people (compared with three bulletins and 82,000 copies in 1901). The Forestry Bureau under his direction secured the publication of bulletins of scientific forestry facts in 50,000,000 copies of newspapers per month, at a total expense of $6,000 a year. The area of National Forests was increased from forty-three millions to one hundred and ninety-four millions of acres (303,125 square miles, an increase of 235,937 square miles, compared with the area of the German states, 208,780 square miles). His water power policy required grants of such power on the public domain, in the National Forests and on navigable streams, to be for limited periods, with protection for navigation, under Federal regulation, and requiring payment for value received.

His forest preserve policy has been decided valid by the Supreme 
Court of the United States (220 U. S. 506, 523).

President Roosevelt put new life into the Government. As he had put new life into the Municipal Government of New York City, and into the State Government of the Empire State, he did the same in fuller measure for the Nation.

He realized the need of conserving the achievements and institutions of the past, of keeping the governmental mind open to new ideas, and ready to adopt new methods and enter new fields of governmental action, when the need for it was shown. He conserved the fruits of the past while planting for the future.

He realized the need of new light from the advice of competent men who were not parts of the Government, who were not walled in by official habit and routine, and who saw things from the viewpoint of up-to-date business, and with the trained experience of specialists. When the world war came, this example was to some extent followed, and where followed, proved of immeasurable value. He initiated the practice of appointing unpaid voluntary commissions; and appointed and received the aid of six such commissions in the six years 1903-1909, viz: Commissions on Organization of Government Scientific Work (Charles D. Walcott, Chairman); on Department Methods (Charles H. Keep, Chairman); on Public Lands; on Inland Waterways; on Country Life; and on National Conservation. These commissions rendered great service in promoting the adoption of modern methods; in opening the eyes "of the nation to the fact that even its natural resources were not inexhaustible; that our continental system of rivers should be conserved and developed as a unit for transportation, for climatic stabilization, and as a by-product, for water-power development ; that our forests and mines and soils were the treasuries of the future; that undiscriminating exploitation meant national impoverishment; that the farmers by isolation were handicapped in securing needed labor, in securing expression and recognition of their needs—and that where those needs coincided with national needs it was proper governmental policy to ascertain and seek to satisfy them.

The new life which he put into our municipal, state and national governments was in part the consequence, in part the guiding influence, and in part the source, of mighty movements for the regeneration of public life in America. He blazed a new trail through the complexities of modern life. It was a trail of applied idealism, applied democracy. "It is better," he wrote, "for the Government to help a poor man make a living for his family than to help a rich man make more profit for his company." It led to the movement for overcoming what he called thfe "human deficit." In this term human deficit he grouped occupational diseases, child labor, overwork and premature exhaustion, economic dependence of women, industrial accidents, inadequate wages, involuntary unemployment, illiteracy, and impoverished old age. These are the evils to be overcome. He led the pioneers and blazed the trail leading to the conservation and enlargement of the common life of the people. And as he initiated the movement for efficiency in the work of governmental departments, so he initiated the movement for efficiency in every field of public work. This has grown into a general movement for efficiency in industry, in education, in the charitable and penal institutions, and in the higher activities of the community, including those of philanthropy and religion.

Beginning with the attempt to cut out the circumlocution office from the national Government, and extending through the political and industrial life as an eliminator of waste, the movement extended to the salvaging of the human unit itself. Wasted vitality, mutilated lives and impoverished progeny were objects of his anxious concern and vigorous efforts to overcome. He saw even more clearly that competition is war; that unregulated, unrestricted competition is ruinous; that the civil laws which were built up around the maxim, '' competition is the life of trade," belonged to the period of isolation and scattered development; that those laws had served a useful purpose; but that society, industrial and economic, had outgrown those conditions; that a time comes in every growing community where competition is the death of trade; that unfair competition is destructive; that regulation to prevent such unfairness is an immediate requisite; that growth and increase are the natural rewards of excellence; that great size is not a wrong in business; that not bigness but badness was what called for repression; that combination is the step beyond competition; and that both competition and combination of industries need public regulation and supervision with ceaseless vigilance.

To the statesmen of our centennial period, who loved the glorious record of our unparalleled prosperity, who on one side promoted broad construction and rejoiced in the old flag and liberal appropriations, and who on the other stood for strict construction and home rule, and between whom were waged the tariff and currency debates (all of which have their most important places in governmental life), these new ideas were like new wine in old bottles.

It will ever remain true that the governmental machine cannot stop for repairs; that it must go on operating and renewing at the same time. Men who can do what Roosevelt did are indispensable when the critical period of renewal during operation is upon us.

"Speak softly—and carry a big stick; you will go far," was his counsel and his practice. He said this of the Monroe Doctrine, and styled a large and efficient navy the big stick. Timid souls, and Mr. and Mrs. Grundys, and opponents of change, saw the big stick. They didn't always heed his soft speech. He went far, farther, higher and better—beyond what his best friend hoped or his most determined opponent feared. Such people no more comprehend him than a fly on St- Peter's dome, poising for a moment on its downmost rim, comprehends the greatness of that majestic creation of Michael Angelo. And they did not disturb him.

In 1884 "at the Chicago Convention," says our statesman, diplomat, university president, Andrew D. White, "though he was in a small minority" (and at the age of 25, the youngest man in the convention) "nothing daunted him. As he stood upon a bench and addressed the chairman, there came from the galleries on all sides a howl and yell, "Sit down! Sit down!" with whistling and cat-calls. All to no purpose; the mob might as well have tried to whistle down a bronze statue. Roosevelt, slight in build as he then was, was greater than all that crowd combined. He stood quietly through it all, defied the mob, and finally obliged them to listen to him." (White, Autobiography, p. 205). It was in this speech that he opposed the conventional method of a mere "call of states" and demanded a roll call of individual delegates. "Let each man stand accountable to those whom he represents for his vote.'' (Tuesday, June 3,1884, supporting the colored man, John E. Lynch, for temporary Chairman). The new precedent he thus helped to establish has been followed ever since.
Such men make mistakes—otherwise they would not be men. Roosevelt made mistakes, and looking backward, he frequently publicly so declared.
"A friend of his one day took him to task for some mistake he had made in one of his appointments. "My dear sir," replied the President, "where you know of one mistake I have made, I know of ten." (Burroughs, pp. 22-3.)
He saw large; and when his "speak softly" was turned away and disregarded, he spoke loudly with a magnifying — even exaggerating — trumpet. He was intensely human, and he was intensely loved. He was so human that we couldn't help loving him, even when we were against him. "Dancing down the way of life he came, with life and love and courage and fun stickin' out all over him."
"The dandy copper of the Broadway squad," was first applied to him as New York Legislator in" 1882, and again when he was President of the Police Board in 1895. There is a mark of widespread recognition, of fine quality and good heart that comes to few public men—that came to him—the affectionate nickname. He always was and always will be '' Teddy, dear." " Teddy'' was his college nickname, which stayed with him through life; and he became "Teddy dear" to all America. Beautiful was his friend's tribute in the Chicago Evening Post in 1916, the day after the Republican  Convention took Hughes in his place: "Ah, Teddy, dear—and did you hear—the news that's goin' 'round? They say you've gone from off the stage, that strange cold men whom we respect but love not, must be our meat for all the days to come. Our hearts are broke. We need you every minute. Ah, the fun of you and the glory of you! Ah, Teddy, dear—we love you now and always."
In every city, town, and hamlet, there were men of vision, in advance of their time, men brooding over plans of national aid for the emigrant; men like Buffalo Jones, striving to save the buffalo; men like Gifford Pinchot, striving to save the forests; men like Father Curran and John Mitchell, trying to help the miners; men like Booker Washington, striving to uplift the colored people.
In Roosevelt they found a leader and a friend. They flocked to him naturally, and found a tonic stimulant in his genial courage and effective leadership.
He knew that in big business, in big politics, in government, and in international diplomacy, we must still sight along the line of the Ten Commandments.

There were men with him and against him that forgot it.

Germany forgot it.

Sometimes politicians and big business men forgot it.

Roosevelt remembered it. Roosevelt stands for the revival of conscience in American public life. Theodore, as we know, means '' Gift of God.'' Truly he was the gift of God to the American people.
He remembered that governments are instituted to secure the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; and that our Constitution was ordained to promote the general welfare, and to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity.
Higher laws than those of economics control the development of a nation's life and expression of its consciousness. That development and expression must be true to the line of the Ten Commandments. That development and expression at times seem to sleep a long, long sleep. Suddenly bursting seams and lines of growth show everywhere, like a century plant as it bursts in bloom; and the flower and fruiting of a great period is seen in the career of a man instinct with the life—the hope—the need—the ideals—the aspirations of his people. Such a man was Roosevelt. Born rich and gentle and citified, he sought the country and the wild. He became poor, and he loved the common people. He ate and drank with publicans and sinners; and the common people heard him gladly.
Riches hamper and obstruct; they add power to the right man; but at the start they dull the spirit. One hundred poor young men rise for one rich young man. Roosevelt found in aristocratic birth an invidious bar. But he was the exceptional one

Who breaks his birth's invidious bar,
And grasps the skirts of happy chance,
And breasts the blows of circumstance,
 And grapples with his evil star;

Who makes by force his merit known, 
And lives to clutch the golden keys,
To mold a mighty state's decrees,
And shape the whisper of the throne;

And moving up from high to higher,
Becomes on Fortune's crowning slope
 The pillar of a people's hope,
The center of a world's desire;  35

Yet feels as in a pensive dream,
When all his active powers are still,
A distant dearness in the hill,
A secret sweetness in the stream.
God's finger touched him and he slept. He is laid in the grave. Those who fought him stood in tears beside his tomb. Who now shall bend the bow of the mighty Ulysses! Who again shall hurl Achilles' spear? Who now shall wield the sword of Arthur—the bright Excalibur?
This was the Happy Warrior—he
That every man at arms would wish to be.
Ocean tides from the Atlantic and Pacific that meet in inlets of his creation at Panama shall chant his requiem. The murmur of innumerable trees in the National Forests that he saved shall forever sing his threnody. Waterfalls that he dedicated to freedom on every mountain side shall perpetually cast rainbows into the sunlight as tributes to his praise.
Already plans are making for his monument. A tablet marks his victory in the park of San Juan Hill. Well might there be a Roosevelt Park in every town, and a Roosevelt Hill in every range, and his name be inscribed on the walls of every student society, political club, and Boy Scouts' hall.
But we who remain must remember what he exemplified. Better far that each of us, in his measure, be a living remembrance. Beauty and truth and goodness and courage are not dead. They spring eternal in the breast of man. As each new springtime heaps the orchards full of bloom and scent, so the eternal spirit of goodness brings to flower and fruit each year a group of heroes and of leaders. Like soldiers in the phalanx, we must close ranks and go forward, remembering

The stubborn spearmen still make good
Their dark, impenetrable wood,
 Each stepping where his comrade stood,
The instant that he fell.

It is right to mourn the passing of Theodore Roosevelt. It is right to rejoice in the rich legacy of patriotic ideals he has left us. But it is rather for us, the living, to be here dedicated to the unfinished work he and his associates have thus far so nobly advanced.
We stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord. Armageddon, in the Apocalypse, was the field of battle between the Faithful and True and the unclean spirits of all the world, led by the Beast.
Three months ago, Armageddon was in Flanders. One month ago it was in the streets of Moscow and Petrograd. The Beast had taken on the form of Bolshevism. In this new disguise, he has now moved on to Berlin; and we learn that the Bolshevist movement is spreading westward to Dresden and Leipsic and Hamburg and Brussels.
Well may we set our house in order against it; for, like the influenza, it may spread even to our doors. We should take courage from Roosevelt, and follow his example, and stand for law and order. Let us say, "Though we walk through the valley of the shadow of death, we will fear no evil." We will fear God and take our own part. For we stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord.
And here we may fitly end with the lines of another nature lover, Henry David Thoreau:
37

LIFE OP THEODORE ROOSEVELT
Ye skies, drop gently round his breast,
And be his corselet blue ; 
Ye earth, receive his lance in rest,
His faithful charger you.

Ye stars, his spearheads in the sky,
His arrow-tips ye are ; 
We see the routed foemen fly;
His bright spears fix6d are.

Give him an angel for a foe,
Fix now a place and time,
 And straight to meet him he will go
Above the starry chime.

And with their clashing bucklers' clang,
 The heavenly spheres shall ring,
While bright the Northern Lights shall hang 
Beside their tourneying.

And if she lose her champion true,
Tell heaven not despair, 
For he will be her champion new,
Her fame he will repair.
'
 Tis sweet to hear of heroes dead,
To know them still alive ;
 But sweeter if we earn their bread,
And in us they survive.

Chicago, January, 1919.

CHAPTER ONE
1858—1919
By Major-General Leonard Wood, U. S. A.
Theodore Roosevelt's services were never more needed by our country than today. His death coming at this time, perhaps the greatest crisis in our national life, is a calamity.

In the consideration of the great issues of the moment his broad experience, clear judgment, good sense, his comprehension of the issues, and his almost intuitive understanding of the sentiments of our people are all needed, as is his conscientious and fearless leadership. Theodore Roosevelt's voice has at times seemed to be the voice of one crying in the wilderness, but whether listened to for the moment or not, his words have always rung true, voicing sound policies and pointing out safe lines of procedure.

He perhaps more than any man in public life appreciated that true democracy means equality, not only of opportunity and privilege but also of obligation; that there can be no true democracy which does not welcome honest criticism and practice frank and fearless publicity. No one knew better than he that a democracy shunning publicity, resenting criticism and striving to limit free expression of opinion on the part of press or people is a democracy in danger, if not a democracy dying.

His voice has been raised on many issues, sometimes in commendation, sometimes in criticism, but always with a purpose single to the people's welfare. He hated shams, was intolerant of weakness, and feared nothing so much as failure to do his whole duty as he saw it. Many people misjudged him, but no one who knew him intimately ever failed to recognize that, right or wrong, his desire was for the good of our people and the upholding of sound national policy. He felt that both the individual and the nation should not only be prompt to voice its disapproval of injustice and wrong-doing, but should be ready to back its righteous protest with force if need be. In other words, it was not enough to protest against wrong; we must also use everything we have of force and strength to correct it.

It was my good fortune to have known him long and intimately, and to have had an opportunity to see him under stress and strain not only in times of war but in times of peace. He was a splendid example of clean and upright living and of strenuous endeavor. He believed that men should have not only clean, sound bodies, but also clean souls. As a leader he was fearless, direct, and compelling. As a subordinate he was frank, and while distinguishing between civility and subordination was always a loyal and conscientious subordinate. He gave his opinion frankly and honestly, and if his chief differed with him he accepted without discussion and lived up to the orders he received.
I happen to have been his military commander during the Spanish-American War, and in all my experience in the army of something over thirty years I have not come in contact with an officer who more fully represented ideal military subordination of the best type. Frank to express his honest views when called for, as a soldier always should be, fearless in looking out for the interests of his subordinates, he nevertheless was prompt and unfailing in carrying out the policy agreed upon. He dropped without effort all that prestige and influence which had surrounded him as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, a position which he had filled with ability and in which he had exercised a very great measure of power, to assume the duties and responsibilities of Lieutenant-Colonel of the First U. S. Volunteer Cavalry, or, as it came to be known, the Rough Riders.

The interests of his men were his own. He realized and lived up to the definition given by Socrates to Xenophon of the ideal officer as one who looks after the welfare of his soldiers. He instinctively appreciated that the less the soldier is able to protect himself because of his subordinate position, the more the officer is under obligation to look after his interests and welfare. He was a brave officer, never thinking of his own life, but always of his objective, and attaining it with as little loss as possible among his own men. He defended his country in war as his sons have done in this war, and as he endeavored to do. Keen always to practice what he preached, he sent his sons cheerfully to the front, and having failed in his own efforts to go, turned everything he had of moral and spiritual strength into an effort to build up a vigorous prosecution of the war, realizing that when you have to strike it is humane to strike hard.
He saw with a clear vision that the war was as much America's war as it was the war of France and the European Allies. He saw the far-reaching danger of German success. He realized that the quicker we were in, the fewer men would die, the less there would be of opportunity for that kind of upheaval and unrest which comes when wars are too long drawn out. He realized that we must meet the organized strength of wrongdoing with the disciplined and united force of right. He was a believer in preparedness. He knew that had we been ready to do our part in the great struggle, our protest would have been listened to and there would have been no war; but once the war was on and all these things were as water that had gone under the bridge, with his eyes to the front he did everything possible to aid in a vigorous conduct of the war.

He was, after all, a very human man, impetuous and strong, with the defects and the strong points which come with such a character. His personal characteristics were charming. He was an embodiment of gentleness and consideration with subordinates and those in the humbler walks of life. If an engineer brought him safely through a hard run, he never failed personally to express his appreciation. There was always that instinctive desire to make those with whom he came in contact feel that they had done him a good turn, that they had been of real service, to impress upon them the dignity of labor and that the way really to dignify labor was to do one's task, no matter how humble, cheerfully and thoroughly. A thousand times I have seen him win the lasting affection and regard of those with whom he came in contact by these little simple human acts of appreciation and kindness. With a snob, a cad, a faker, he was brusque, direct, and intolerant, as all honest men should be. No man had a finer family life. No man was more devoted to home and family, or more intolerant of loose living or of vulgar thinking. I never knew him to tell a suggestive story, and I have never known anyone who really knew him and understood him even to attempt to tell one in his presence. He loved Nature and understood her varying moods. He loved the wild places of the world and the animals and the birds which inhabited them, and he understood them to an extent that few men ever have. He enjoyed keenly a hard bout with the broadswords, giving and taking in the spirit of fair play and good sportsmanship. Stiff rides across country, long walks and hard runs through the ups and downs of the banks of the Potomac, and the rough bits of Bock Creek Park, were sources of keen enjoyment and served to keep him in good condition, vigorous in body and clear in thought.

He dearly loved to gather his own children and those of his friends and take them for long tramps along the river banks and through the bits of dark forest in the park, piloting them across the streams and around bits of rocky cliffs, across little valleys, using the trunks of fallen trees as bridges, and bringing them in toward nightfall through the woods. These excursions were to the children like voyages into an unknown land. The streams they crossed were rivers and the bits of forest were the unknown. These tramps were always filled with little lessons and interesting talks by which he taught the children things he knew would interest them and would build up in them a love of Nature and an understanding of many things.

He measured a man's Americanism by the way he lived and measured up to American ideals. With him no man could be an American and something else. He saw in universal training for national service something which would fuse the diverse elements which come into and make up much of our population into one homogeneous mass of Americanism. He saw in this training all together, shoulder to shoulder, rich and poor, newcomer and native-born, an influence toward better understanding and truer appreciation, a democracy of service, a community of purpose, with its brotherhood of man. He saw in it the building up of a truer and better citizenship. He always stood ready to sacrifice everything for his country. He understood that none are fit to live who are afraid to die. He was a many-sided character, but all sides were good, as difficult to give a word picture of as it is to write a description of the Grand Canyon or any great and complex thing.

We have lost a great leader in the crisis of the nation's life. He has left us in his writings, in his work, in his precepts and ideals, clear guides for the future. Though his voice is silent, his spirit Eves and will live to stir us to effort in times of public danger and to stimulate our righteous efforts for good government, fair dealing, and right living at all times. Wise leader, true patriot, devoted husband and father, the best type of American, such was Theodore Roosevelt. We can ill spare him in these days. In his last message to us he has left an inspiration and preached a lesson which we must heed.
Lenard Wood

AN UNADULTERATED AMERICAN
By Chauncey M.  Depew,  former  United  States 
Senator from New York
The whole public career of Theodore Roosevelt is lined with monuments in beneficent legislation. He was born two years before the outbreak of the Civil War, and was President of the United States when it was necessary to have a united country in support of policies for the benefit of the whole United States. For this destiny he was fortunate in his ancestors. His father, of Dutch and Scotch ancestry, was a leading citizen of New York, and one of the most useful and prominent citizens of the North; his mother was from Georgia, and represented the best blood and traditions of the South. So he could appeal, as no President had been able to since the Civil War, to all sections of the country, North, South, East, and West. Harvard gave him an Eastern culture, and ranch life on the Western plains brought him in contact and close association with those pioneers who have discovered, developed, and peopled our territories from the Mississippi to the Pacific.

He inherited a small trust estate, the income of which was not sufficient for more than a quarter of his expenses of living, and yet it had the singular effect of destroying all ambition to accumulate a fortune. He always felt sure that by his own exertions he could so supplement this limited income as to meet all requirements and at the same time have the income as an anchor which in great stress or necessity would prevent his drifting to want.

His activities were during the period of the greatest industrial development which this country has ever known, a period in which masterful men developed in an unprecedented way our natural resources, our manufacturing, and our transportation, with results that were enormously beneficial to communities and multitudes of people, and yielded enormous returns to the architects. Colonel Roosevelt admired these men and their achievements, but always looked upon them and what they did from the standpoint of public safety and public service. He had no fear of big business, and to his mind the bigger the better, if the best results for all could be had that way. At the same time, if in his judgment the process was becoming dangerous to the public welfare because of its tendency to monopoly, he became at once its enemy.

I remember as if it were yesterday the commencement of his career. From the beginning his ambitions were for public life and public service. A Republican district leader, forty years ago, came to my office and said, "We have this difficulty in our district. A small part of it is composed of what the boys call 'highbrows', living along Fifth Avenue and the adjoining streets, while the major part of it runs over into sections which are under the control of Tammany Hall. To keep our organization alive and secure for the boys some recognition in office-holding, I have to deal with a very difficult problem. These dealings have offended 'highbrows', but we need their votes, and especially their contributions. I can think of but one way out, and that is to nominate for the Legislature a representative of these men of wealth and high social position. What do you think of young Theodore Roosevelt!" Of course, I became enthusiastic at once. "Well," said this astute leader, "we will have a dinner at Delmonico's and bring him out. None of our organization will attend, none but that class will be invited, but I will be in the pantry. I want you to preside."

The dinner was a great success. Young Roosevelt was at that time about 22 years old, but he looked much younger. He read for about an hour from Ms manuscript to an audience of as hard-headed, practical, and successful men as could be gathered in New York. They were tolerant of his emphatic views on the evils of city, State, and National Government, and how he would correct them, and it is one of the extraordinary things in politics that this young man of 22 afterwards, as Police Commissioner of New York, as Governor of the State of New York, and as President of the United States, had the opportunity to carry out these policies and to translate them into laws.

Mr. Roosevelt was one of the few more responsible than others for bringing on the Spanish War. It is well known that President McKinley did his best to prevent it. It was the characteristic of Roosevelt that he never asked from others that they volunteer for a dangerous enterprise unless he was willing to share in it himself. So he raised the "Rough Riders" regiment, and, by gallantry in action, became the foremost figure in the Spanish-American War.

Nothing has impressed me so much as the accidents of public life. In business and professional careers, brains, industry, and efficiency always tell, but not so in politics. The National Convention which met in Philadelphia in 1900 was a unit for the renomination of Mr. MeKinley, but all at sea about the Vice-President. Roosevelt's independent and masterly administration of New York as Governor had made him so powerful that not to renominate him was to court defeat, and to renominate him was equally dangerous on account of the hostility of the local organizations all over the State. So there was a general assent to his being put on the ticket with McKinley for Vice-President. Mr. Roosevelt strenuously opposed it. He said, '' The Vice-Presidency is a tomb, and I will not be buried." So after further debate we nominated Roosevelt again; he again declined, and then I declared the meeting adjourned to prevent further action. The next morning he accepted. This was the crisis of his career.

Great and successful leadership requires many qualities. I have known, beginning with Lincoln, with considerable intimacy, every President of the United States. None of them had all these qualities except Mr. Roosevelt. He was a born leader of men. His industry was phenomenal, but it was that intelligent work which knew where to find what he wanted, and his marvelous intelligence grasped, absorbed, and utilized this material with the precision of a machine.

He loved companionship and found time to enjoy his friends. When that friend left he had contributed all he possessed to the materials useful to this great Executive. He might be a college professor, a United States Senator, a foreign Ambassador, a State Governor, a Justice of the Supreme Court, a cowboy from the ranches, a hunter from the mountains, a traveler from overseas,—all were equally welcome and all equally contributors.

I was in the Senate during the whole of his Presidency, and saw him nearly every day. It was a delight to visit the Executive Office or to meet him in the closer associations of the White House. He was the most outspoken of public men. As I was entering his room one morning, a Senator was coming out. This Senator had made some request of the President which had angered him. He shouted to me so the Senator and everybody else could hear him: "Do you know that man?" I answered,'' Yes, he is a colleague of mine in the Senate.'' "But," the President shouted, "he is a crook." Subsequent events proved the President correct; the man came within the clutches of the criminal law.

I never knew such an omnivorous reader. He mastered all literature, past and present. Several times I called his attention to a book which had been sent me and was just on sale. He had already read it.

He was intensely human. He had no airs, nor fads, nor frills. His cordiality was infectious, his friendship never failed. No man of his generation has so long held public esteem and confidence. His work in the world was great and greatly done. It is a commonplace when a great man dies to say, "It is not for his contemporaries to pass judgment upon him. That must be left to posterity and to the historian after the passions of his time have been allayed." There are only two exceptions to this maxim: one is Washington, the other is Roosevelt. With this magnificent fighter, this reckless crusader, this hard-hitter, the world is stilled and awed when the news of his death is flashed over wires and cables, but the instant voice of friend and enemy is the same. All recognize the purity of his motives, the unselfishness of his work, and his unadulterated Americanism.
 New York,
January, 1919.
By Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, former Speaker, U. S. House of Representatives
. President Roosevelt, in 1904, wrote that a man who goes into the actual battle of politics "must stand firmly for what he believes, and yet he must realize that political action, to be effective, must be the joint action of many men, and that he must sacrifice somewhat of his own opinions to those of his associates if he ever hopes to see his desires take practical shape."

Throughout Roosevelt's administration, I had many conversations with him on many subjects, and I found him ready to follow that platform of political action, presenting his own ideas forcibly and earnestly and giving fair consideration to the ideas and arguments of others. The great volume of important and progressive legislation enacted during the Roosevelt administration was accomplished in that way, by cooperation and coordination of the legislative and executive departments of the government, and by the sacrifice of some opinions on both sides. That cooperation made the Roosevelt administration a great Republican administration and a great American administration—two synonymous terms. That administration defeated Bolshevism sugar-coated with Bryan's rhetoric; and such cooperation will again defeat Bolshevism in the name of pure democracy.
 Washington, D. C., January, 1919.

By Col. Henry Watterson
No one knew Theodore Roosevelt better than I; certainly no one goes back farther in a knowledge of him, for that knowledge takes me to a time preceding his birth, when his mother and my mother, old and very dear friends, were much together, the Roosevelts living at the family homestead down about Broadway and Thirteenth Street, New York, what was then the Union Place Hotel near by, though Theodore was born in the Twentieth Street house to which just before his birth his parents had removed. He was all sorts of a boy. Indeed, like the boy in the play who never grew up, he remained a boy all his life. He was wayward, willful, affectionate; never vicious, though mischievous; wholly loveable and
trying.
*    *
From the first he essayed the impossible and oddly enough often got away with it. Frail of body and poor of sight, he wanted to be a hunter. Without military training, or natural bent, he wanted to be a soldier. He possessed rare aptitude for politics, on which he did not pride himself. His passion was for getting at the heart of things—for hitting the bull's eye—for playing life as if it were a game of "shinny," rushing in among the kickers and bringing away the ball in triumph. He preferred his muscle to his wit. He was a perfect cross of the Roosevelt upon the Bulloch. In him met, commingled, and flowed the blood of the Dutchman and the Cavalierj the one restraining if it did not temper the other. Theodore was by no means an uncalculating visionary. In many ways he was exceedingly practical.

Personally, no man could be worthier. His domestic relations were ideal; he was the best of husbands and fathers; patient only, but very patient, as a paterfamilias. A cleaner man never lived. No dirty or doubtful dollar ever touched his palm. In this he resembled his uncle, his mother's brother, the Confederate Admiral, who fitted out and sent the South's privateer cruisers to sea, handled millions of Confederate money in England, and with a half million of this still in his possession at the close of the War of Sections, turned it over to the United States
and died a pauper.
***
Although Teddy and I agreed about nothing—fell surely apart when an issue arose—the differences cut no figure in our personal relations. When he came to his kingdom he often sought to be good to me. The surviving guests at Robert Collier's famous dinner will recall an illustrative incident. I had said in response to a toast, "You gentlemen fancy that there have been ructions between Theodore Roosevelt and myself, but let me say to you that in the very plenitude of his power he offered me one of the greatest honors within his gift." Then he called out, "Tell me about that, Marse Henry," and I continued:

"I was at dinner with my family at Willard's Hotel when General Corbin came over and said in his abrupt way, 'Will you accept the chairmanship of the Board of Visitors for West Point next June?'

'' ' What do you want me for I' said I. ' It is the Academy's centenary,' he answered, 'and we are looking for an orator.' 'Corbin,' I replied, 'you are coming at me in a very tempting way; that a ragged old rebel like me should be chosen for such a service appeals to my pride of country as well as my personal vanity. Give me a little time to think it over.' When I thought it over honorable and gratifying as it was—I put it from me. A presidential election was at hand. The issues were bound to be implacable. I had my duty to perform, and if I accepted with all that acceptance implied, I could not do
my duty.   So very reluctantly I declined."
*    *
I rang all the changes of the third-term issue upon him. Among the rest there was a long circumstantial story of an old Georgia lady—a life-long friend of his mother—whose dream was to see Theodore crowned Emperor of America. She had lived in France and was a thorough Imperialist and devotee of Louis Napoleon. We sat in a garden and she told her story and unfolded her hope. I contrived to get into this setting every manner of persiflage, closing with, "She passed from the moonlight into the house and I said to myself, 'If out of the mouths of babes and sucklings, why not out of the fancy of this crazed old woman of the South?' "

He answered this by a public statement that he would not be the candidate in 1908. When I was next in Washington he sent for me. Taking me into a rear room and locking the door, he said: "First, I want to know whether that old woman was a real person, or a figment of your imagination?"

I answered that she was a figment of my imagination. "But," said I, "you killed her dead as a door nail; why didn't you hold back and let us get lots of fun out of it?"

With a show of impatience he bade me sit down.

"I don't deny," he continued, "that I have thought of it." Then in the frankest manner he went over the situation, telling me of some personal and party matters I did not know of, and ending, "Now what do you think, of it?" I said, "Mr. President, you know that I am your friend, and I tell you as your friend, that if you go out of here the fourth of next March, putting your friend Taft in your place, you will make a good third to Washington and Lincoln. But if you allow the wild-hog politicians to put you up for a third term, they will bring about your defeat and make you a second to Burr."

He arose from his seat and said, "Henry Watterson, I will permit no such thing. If they do it, I will refuse. If they do it and adjourn the convention they will have
to reassemble it, for I will refuse and still refuse."
#    *
I saw him last but just a while ago when he and Mr. Moore, of Pittsburgh, and Edward Riggs, of the New York Central, and I had a merry lunch at an uptown hotel in New York. For the first time he was beginning to show something that looked like years. But he was all life and the love of life—his sunny side out—intense interest and tremendous grasp vibrating with his gaiety.

I am deeply and personally distressed by his death, though it does not take me by surprise. He gave himself no rest. His resources were multifarious, his interests many and wide apart. Often his impetuosity did injustice to his serious parts. As a matter of fact he was an insurrecto whom destiny had elevated into a commander. He could not help speaking out in meeting, as they say in New England. Yet comparing his candor with the garrulity of some public men having a reputation for prudence, the record will show to his credit. Certainly he had a way of getting after a rogue and running down a rascal, that was often fruitful of good to the country.

His disappearance in a way clarifies politics on the practical and tangible side. It clears the way for a united Republican party. He was ever a thorn in the side of the machine politicians, though a clever machine politician himself. His like will scarcely appear again. No leader ever appealed as he did to the young. Had he lived he would have cut a wide swath in 1920. His death takes much of the complexity and all of the light out of the political situation and levels the immediate future into the commonplace.
henry watterson. Miami, Florida, January 7,1919.
By Senator Johnson of California
(Running Mate of Colonel Roosevelt in 1912}
Washington, D. C., January 6, 1919.
55
The greatest American of our generation Has passed away. He had a truer vision, a higher courage, a wiser statesmanship than any man of our time. I cannot speak of him in ordinary terms. To me he had no parallel-none approached him in virility or force or profound knowledge of varied subjects. He stood alone in greatness of perception, in courage for the right as he saw it. I am mourning not only the greatest American, a world figure such as time seldom presents, but a thoughtful, kindly, affectionate friend,
THE MAN WHO LOVED HIS JOB By Sir John Willison
President of the Canadian ^Reconstruction Association.
There is a cant of democracy as well as a faith of democracy. Roosevelt had all the faith and none of the cant. He had faith in himself and faith in the people. In what he did there was nothing very original. He profited greatly by the evangelical sowing of Bryant. He achieved by force, by courage, and even by violence. It was said of Cavour that he had all the prudence and all the imprudence of the true statesman. To a degree this was true of Roosevelt, but it is doubtful if he ever found pleasure in the exercise of prudence. He had many of the qualities of those great old builders of the British Empire in the outposts of the earth. He would have seized territory, overturned effete institutions, established despotic authority over subject populations, and by the character of his rule have justified despotism to himself and probably to those whom he had reduced to subjection. But for himself he would not have been thrifty nor ever have been astonished at his own moderation.

In the man there was no pretense. When he was told that he must rejoice to be relieved of the duties, responsibilities, and perplexities of the Presidency he declared with blunt candor that he had loved his job and would be glad to take it on again if the people would agree. He would have said with Scott that

One crowded hour of glorious strife
Is worth an age without a name.
There was eternal youth in the soul of Roosevelt. One cannot think that he ever would have grown old in spirit or ever have "ceased from mental strife" while there were "malefactors" to be disciplined and a world to be fashioned to his way of thinking. Most of us as we grow older become too wise and too cautious. We lose the vision. We lose the courage. We lose the virtue of rashness and the glory of insolence. With Roosevelt to the end there was rashness and the audacity which borders upon insolence. There was always in him, as Mr. Asquith said of Ireland, "a good deal of rhetorical and contingent belligerency.''

It is hard to think that he was chivalrous in his treatment of Taft, but in method and character they were so far removed from each other that conflict was almost inevitable. He saw Taft trying to do with blundering amiability and complacent indecision the things he had done with energy and arrogance, and he revolted. He lacked the last quality of loyalty which was Taft's great characteristic and for the possession of which Taft was perhaps the weaker and he the stronger. For Roosevelt loved the authority which strong men covet. The taste of power was the sweetest morsel on his tongue. He could command confidence and inspire devotion. In all history there is no more wonderful illustration of the power of a single man than his bold challenge to a historic party and the creation of the Progressive movement. For that movement represented the power of one man and the attraction of one virile personality. Moreover, if he had lived he probably would have recreated and re-established in office the party which he had destroyed and under the leader which it had rejected. Bolingbroke said of Maryborough, "He was a great man and I have forgotten all his faults." There could be no truer expression of the feeling of the Republican party towards Roosevelt, and when we think of the long vindictiveness of a political party towards those who desert its standards, the thing that he did has the wonder and the mystery of a miracle.

It is remarkable that Mr. Root and Mr. Taft, who held the remnant of the Republican party against Roosevelt, should have been his firm allies in urging American intervention in the war in Europe. Divided in a domestic conflict, they reunited in the great conflict for human freedom and led the American people in the path of duty, honor, and sacrifice. It will be remembered, too, that in the Congressional elections a few months ago Roosevelt and Taft signed a common appeal to the party in which for so long they had fought as comrades and which had suffered disaster through their differences. Thus at the last the bitterness was assuaged and a reconciliation declared in the face of the nation.

History will not deny that Roosevelt had the faults of impetuosity, that he was sometimes ungenerous and ruthless, and that he sometimes destroyed where it would have been better to conserve and improve. But he was a man of full blood and robust spirit, with the love of adventure in his soul and the love of his kind in his heart. He loved the deep bush and the open sky, all green and growing things, the kindly earth and the fruits thereof, the ships which traveled the wide and strange waters, the touch of danger, the open war between man and the jungle. He gave to his country far more than he received. He struck hard and the blows sometimes fell wildly, but he shattered some idols of clay and destroyed some images of the marketplace which had been worshipped far too long.
One feels that Kipling could have taken Roosevelt to his soul, for what the one is in vision the other was in action. The United States has had greater men, but no one braver or more picturesque. He died in his sleep, for perhaps even death would have hesitated to take him with his head up and his face to the world. So another has joined Bryant's innumerable caravan, but not with immediate expectation of the summons. One wishes that death had not been so eager, for Roosevelt could not have believed that his work was finished. But

Three fragile, sacramental things 
Endure, though all your pomps shall pass, 
A butterfly's immortal wings, 
A daisy and a blade of grass.

Toronto, Ontario, January, 1919.
By John Wanamaker, Former Postmaster General
Not Since Abraham Lincoln Fell Asleep has there been in this country such a sorrow as when the messages came from
THEODOEE ROOSEVELT 'S
silent home.    Like a flash of lightning, it touched the whole world.
The immeasurableness of the loss to America and the world at this time is beyond human thought.
These are days of revelation.   A man may be bigger than his words.It were well worth while to seek for the real secret of Theodore Roosevelt's masterful greatness.
Was it in the fact that no insincerity lurked behind his ever-welcoming smile?

*	*   *
The piety of Roosevelt's patriotism and citizenship still lives, and

mt. vernon, va., springfield, ill., 
sagamore hill, N. Y.,

henceforth are inseparably linked together to bear witness of something in the lives of three great Presidents that could not be buried in a tomb.

It is unmistakably clear that it was left for the events of the passing week to bring to the surface the hidden power Roosevelt exerted upon the public mind.

His robust manliness, extraordinary brain and far-sighted vision, all filled with Americanism of the purest type, turned the eyes of the entire world upon him as one to help to build something better than an Empire.
*	*    *
No other man in the United States seemed to me so much alive as Theodore Roosevelt, and what he thought, he liked to say.

For a long period of years his name, until quite recently, appeared oftener in the newspapers than any other since Abraham Lincoln's time, as his views on public questions were sought and freely given.

In the first years of service under the national government I knew him very well. I was present at the cabinet meeting when President Benjamin Harrison presented Mr. Roosevelt's name as one of the three Civil Service Commissioners. He became its most active member, and the Post Office Department was the subject of his frequent assaults.

I heard President Harrison, who admired Mr. Roosevelt, say to him that "he was the most pugnacious man he ever knew."

He was a remarkable man, as honest as the sun, ever brim full of healthful, youthful energy, capable of prolonged effort, splendidly educated, bold as a lion, brave as Kitchener or Lord "Bobs," intensely American, with opinions on every phase of life, civilization and the world's governments.

His soldierliness in the Spanish-American War placed him on horseback for all time, notwithstanding the embargo of Washington, which while conscripting men needed for the army and navy, refused to accept the services of Colonel Roosevelt, frequently tendered.

There were few sweeter, lovelier homes in the world than that of the Christian family of plain Mr. and Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt and he will be missed greatly at this stage of our country's affairs.

The Roosevelt home life was one of the best Christian Endeavor Societies in the land.

By Senator France of Maryland It was with profound sorrow that I learned of the death of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.    Within the last few months I have had several long conferences with him, and on each of these occasions he seemed to be in perfect physical condition. His death involves a loss not only to this Republic, but to the cause of progressive republican government throughout the world. Roosevelt was a constructive progressive. He did not believe in disordered democracy, with its inevitable tyranny, but in the constitutional republic so organized as to insure liberty.

His great and memorable address at the Oriole Park, in Baltimore, at the opening of the last Liberty Loan campaign, in which speech he outlined his broad policies for the reconstruction period and for the nation's far future, revealed again his capacity for courageous and constructive statesmanship.

In the last analysis, this war has been a mighty conflict between reaction and liberalism in government. Men have been battling and dying for political and social liberation. During the present reconstruction period, it shall be decided whether these martyrs shall have sacrificed in vain for the cause of freedom. We must not go back to the old static and passive condition. We must organize the world not for friendship only, but for justice. The aim of a world league should not be to establish a mere universal pacifism. We need, not an international league of peace, but one of purpose and of progress. It would be deplorable to create a new balance of power to re-establish and preserve old intolerable conditions. The world requires an enlightened and aggressive leadership by organized republics, dedicated to the spread, even at the risk of ease and comfort, of republican principles and of a higher civilization throughout all the dark portions of the world where millions of men dwell in bondage.

The American people believe this, and that is why they were surely turning toward Roosevelt, who knew world conditions in India, in Africa, and in the remote countries and islands of the seas, and who also knew the realities of the difficulties in international relationships. The people believed in the sincerity of his motives and had confidence in him as a man both of vision and of action, rather than a man of dreams. They admired him because he had the courage to fight for the right. America is a nation where men have ideals and are also practical, and our people know that only a vital, red-blooded, militant, progressive leadership can lead the world out of this present wilderness. That is why men were turning to him, and why a world, woefully lacking in such leadership, must mourn him.

By Senator Miles Poindexter
The great keynote of Theodore Roosevelt's life and success was service. He served mankind. He was a 'teacher and exemplar of work and action. He found rest and recreation by passing from one form of exertion to another. No man ever made a fuller use of the mental and physical powers with which he was endowed than Roosevelt. He put his talents to work and the result was a great harvest of benefits for his time and generation and for those to come. His industry and determination were applied not only to the use of such powers as were at his command in extraneous undertakings, but exemplified themselves in the intense form of the improvement of his own faculties. He was complete master of himself and fixed his regimen by such a rule as would conserve and improve Ms bodily and mental faculties. Physically weak, even as a boy he adopted such a course as to make him physically strong. This was done not by mere chance, but by set purpose and plan pursued with energy, self-denial, and determination.

Being master of himself, developing himself, and bringing his faculties to the height of their capacity, he became also a master of others; not by the imposition of power, but by the gift of his service. Pascal has said that "the proper study of mankind is man." Socrates, amid the tyranny and prejudices of his times, taught his pupil "Know thyself." Jesus, at the Sea of Galilee, said to the poor fishermen, in their sordid occupation, "I will make you fishers of men." Roosevelt was a student of man, and of himself, and knew himself; and he rendered service as a "fisher of men." Men listened to him because of his sincerity. They knew that he was their friend. Having their confidence, he used the powers which he had developed and the influence which he had gained for the good of mankind. He directed them in safe ways. He fought injustice; was a champion of the weak; feared not the strong; overcame his prejudices; and was a happy warrior in the eternal struggle for justice and truth.

Having gained power he abused it not, but guarded it as a trust, and cherished in his heart of hearts loyalty to his obligations. It was said of Roosevelt that, in the height of his power as President of the United States, he had upon the wall of his office a striking picture of a typical farmer, and that on one occasion he pointed to it and said: "There is the man that I am working for." By it he meant that he was working primarily for those lost in the multitude that makes our nation, who often cannot speak for themselves when great interests are being decided. He recognized no class in the claims of the people upon their government; but he felt undoubtedly that, while the great were entitled to justice, ordinarily they were able to present their demands; but that the silent multitude must depend upon the loyalty and faith of those who sat in the seats of the mighty and exercised the powers of sovereignty. He was greater than his office. Great as is the office of the Presidency, and there is no greater, Roosevelt commanded it. It did not command him. In directing its powers he was able to assume the initiative among all the officials and complicated functions of state, and brought into use the accumulated, ripened fruits of all his strenuous years of effort.

He is gone; but is still here. His mortal remains are mingling with the soil he loved so well, but his spirit lives in the hearts of the millions for whom he had toiled. When he fell, in the very midst of his activities, like a plumed knight in battle, a gloom fell over the nation. A
real spiritual depression was manifest among the people. They felt and knew that not only a great public servant had passed into the "undiscovered country," but that a close and dear personal friend was gone. Never, perhaps, in the history of the nation has there been, between a public leader and all classes of the people, a more personal, sincere, and deep affection than that between Roosevelt and his people. His greatest legacy and memorial is the example of his stainless character, of Ms courageous and useful life, by which the mothers of the future may guide the steps of youth.
Washington, D. C.,	miles poindexter.
January, 1919.
Tribute by Bishop Fallows
Theodore Roosevelt stands as one of the most forceful illustrations of the truth that man can create circumstances and conditions and not be controlled by them. From a puny infant, by rigid obedience to the laws of life, he became the incarnation of vigorous health and activity.

He mounted by successive steps in official positions, all of which he honored by faithful doing, to the highest place to which man can aspire, the Presidency of the United States of America.

He went there as the living embodiment of a vital Americanism. The various racial strains in his blood made him the one great type of the mighty nation which embraces the whole civilized globe in its fold. He did not wait to be forced by the imperious voice of his people to do their righteous bidding; he led them splendidly forward over the top, in the cause of justice and the square deal.

When God wills a great reform, he sometimes makes a man wrong-headed in the right direction to bring it about. If Roosevelt was ever wrong-headed, it was always in the right direction, and all the wrongs he confronted gave way before him.

He felt the universe in Ms leaping pulses:

"Born for that Universe, he shrank not his mind, Nor gave up to party what was meant for mankind."

His courage was proverbial. Over his grave, as over the grave of John Knox, could be truthfully said, "There lies he who never feared the face of man.''

"Give me where I may stand and I will move the world," said Archimedes. Roosevelt made good his standing-place and moved the world. He was deeply religious, thoroughly rooted and grounded in the love of God and of his fellow-man. The call of humanity was thrilling music to his soul. And as the knight errant of the race he ever went full panoplied to break the lance to meet its needs.

Side by side with Lincoln he stands in his rugged personality and in his all-pervasive sympathy with human kind. Like Lincoln he was the people's man. Nay, like him he was the world's man. And as at the death of Lincoln that world poured out its tribute of love and regard as it had never done before for anyone of woman born, so at the death of Roosevelt it sent the undying words of affection and esteem. The trinity in unity of the nation's greatest Americans we shall ever honor: Washington, Lincoln, Roosevelt.

By Dr. Frank Crane
Theodore Roosevelt is dead.
He has stepped from the midst of controversy and taken his place among the immortals, against whom no man can speak.
For the moment the conflict ceases, friend and foe stand with bared heads to do homage to a great and valiant soul.
There is a sudden and loyal silence throughout all the hosts. For no man has ever been more a part of every man in the United States than has Theodore Roosevelt.
His friends will rush no more quickly to speak his praise than his enemies.
For he was a man's man, and it was a joy to fight him as well as to agree with him.
His spirit was a fierce and beautiful flame. His opinions were simple and always avowed with the wholeness and self-abandon of a true believer.
He would have made a wonderful knight in the days of Charlemagne, a fair and worthy companion to Roland.
He conceived of life, of duty and even of love in terms of conflict. His makeup was militant, but his conceptions were always sincere.

His chief characteristic was courage. Whatever may have been charged against him in the extravagance of dispute, his bitterest foe must confess that he was to the last a warrior unafraid. And that quality of fearlessness, that indomitable bravery, when lodged in this weak humanity, is always a thing of beauty, a little spark of God. We love it. We respect it. It is the great worthwhile thing in an immortal soul.

So he was a friend, conceived of as a friend, in a passionate and personal way, as no other statesman of American history, except Lincoln.

He was very near to the American heart. And, even in the stormy days of these vast issues that have swept beyond him, the tribute of respect that this people pays to him will be honest and profound.

He had a public mind and gave himself to the service of the people with a singleness of purpose that will be an inspiration to American youth. He was thoroughly human. He was frank, over-frank sometimes, but we love the man whose heart outruns him.

Bangs may pass and be followed to their graves with "the boast of heraldry, the pomp of power." Presidents and premiers may die and their statues be set up in halls of fame, but none will go from the midst of the living and leave a sense of deeper personal loss than this splendid man, this impetuous companion, who has been snatched by death from the intimate affection of a great people.

The Bull Moose has made his last charge.
The rough rider has led his last assault.
Bwana Tumbo, the mighty hunter, is back from this perilous expedition we call life, and has gone home.
Friends and opponents, with equal earnestness, cry out: "God rest his soul!"
Upon his tomb there can be inscribed an epitaph, than which there can be no nobler, no prouder, no truer tribute:
"Here lies a real American."
fRank crane.
By the Governor of Illinois
The Nation has suffered a loss it cannot well afford at this time. Theodore Roosevelt has been a dominant factor in American public life for thirty years. During all his life, he has sought and striven for a better, juster society. Men have differed with him as to the route, but not as to the goal humanity should strive to attain. His robust and fearless Americanism was like a bugle call to his countrymen, whenever danger threatened, from within or without. Whether in office or in private life, he was a leader of thought and an inspirer of action. And now, with the new problems which the end of the war has brought, his voice will be sorely missed. It is fortunate indeed for the coming years that he lived long enough to give utterance upon many of the most important questions which confront us. Whenever despotism, whether the despotism of some future Hohenzollern or a Bolshevist, shall threaten, Theodore Roosevelt, though in his grave, will speak to the American people with a compelling voice. He is still the valiant foe of greed, oppression and injustice. He is not dead, but has gone to join his brave, beloved boy. He will live forever in the hearts of the American people.

By a Charter Member of the Progressive Party
A great leader of men has fallen with a crash untimely and all the world bows its head in sorrow at his loss.

In his native land the hum of industry and of commerce is hushed and stilled as the mortal remains of Theodore Roosevelt are laid to rest, and millions mourn his passing.

The sorrow of his fellow-countrymen knows no class, no creed, no color. Rich and poor alike knew him, respected him, esteemed him, admired him, trusted him, followed him, and loved him. He was the American par excellence, the plus-American, the prototype and exemplar of all the ideals that true Americans stand for and strive after, in public and in private life. He typified America, with an upright, unselfish, virtuous, red-blooded and God-fearing personality.

In distant lands, where Kings and emperors, whom he was wont to meet on terms of perfect equality, delighted to do Mm honor, the name of Roosevelt was a household word, and the voice of sorrow at his death finds sincere and eloquent expression.

From the democratic kings who are the only monarch s left in Europe by the tremendous wave of progress whipped up by war, there come the tributes of more than mere diplomacy, more than old-world courtesy. They, too, knew him and were moved to admiration of his stalwart manhood and sterling statesmanship. Responsible ministers of mighty foreign powers, ambassadors of state, and great national leaders of world renown, testify in a score of languages their high appreciation of his life and their reverence for his memory.

Humanity hailed him as a citizen of the world, and mourns his departure as that of a friend and brother.

In the camps of American soldiers, at home and overseas, there is one universal sense of loss. To the American in arms, there was an inspiration and an ideal in the patriotic figure of "The Colonel"; and that ideal will never cease to be cherished, nor that inspiration cease to be felt, wherever martial feet may tread beneath the Stars and Stripes. For it is a modern Bayard that has fallen—in very truth, a knight without fear and without reproach.
The life of Theodore Roosevelt was spent for the most part in public service. "He was straight, he was honest," said the world's greatest inventor on hearing of his death; and therein summed up the secret of Roosevelt's strength. His life was an open book, and in his straightforward honesty and sincerity of purpose he stood like a mighty rock when the fierce storms of political criticism beat upon him with a fury that would have overwhelmed a lesser man.

For nearly forty years he was in the focus of the public eye; yet throughout that long period of ceaseless activity no breath of defamation ever succeeded in assailing the virtues of his private life or his integrity as a public servant. True, he was defamed, and more than once; but the foul breath of the defamer recoiled in every case, leaving the fair name of Theodore Roosevelt unscathed and its would-be despoiler an object of public opprobrium. Probably no public man in American history ever passed so freely through the fires of criticism, or left his enemies worse confounded in the end. A man of his strong convictions and courage in expressing them was bound to make enemies, and, as a rule, the great American public loved him the better for the enemies
he made.
,       *    *    *
In the White House Mr. Roosevelt took rank as one of the country's greatest Presidents. For the first time the United States had an executive who knew the West as he knew the East, and he was the President of the whole people, knowing no sectional prejudice or distinctions of class or party, when it was a question of holding the scales with equal justice to all. He took a sane view of the relations of Labor and Capital, and lost no opportunity of defining, with mirror-like clearness, the rights and the duties of each in close correlation with the body politic. His state papers were models of conciseness and force. He wielded a trenchant pen and spoke with a tongue of fire. He aroused the sleeping conscience of the American people, awakened their moral sense to the existence of undoubted evils, and laid down principles of public and commercial conduct that were universally recognized as essential to the progress of the republic. He fought for equal rights to all, for social and industrial justice, and for the rightful place of America among the nations. He was a lover of peace, but an apostle of preparedness for his beloved country, believing that therein lay the surest guarantee of peace.
***
The private life of Theodore Roosevelt was singularly blameless, and his domestic hearth was ever a haven of happiness. Famous for his love of children, he lived to find great joy in the society of his children's children. He was the idol of American youth, and his own sons did but follow in their father's footsteps when all four of them eagerly volunteered for active service when the great war involved their country in its inescapable meshes. The death of his son, Quentin, who fell in aerial combat in France, low to lie in Glory's lap, and the honorable wounds sustained by two other sons, testified to the patriotic devotion of this great American family and its will to sacrifice even life itself upon the altar of country and freedom. The great heart of the American people went out in sympathy to Colonel Roosevelt in his bereavement, but-he bore it like the Spartan father and soldier that he was. A pity 'tis that he did not live to visit the last resting place of his son in France, though that will ever be kept green by the grateful tears of the
French people.
                                        ****
The travels of Theodore Roosevelt had carried him over a very large part of the civilized world, and into the darkest corners of Africa and South America. He was a mighty hunter and untrodden paths possessed for him a peculiar fascination. In exploration he evinced the same traits of courage and initiative that marked his career in politics and in statesmanship. He was indeed a many-sided man. Loving study as few men do, he also loved the outdoor life. He found his recreation in all kinds of healthy sport, and was equally at home on horseback and afoot. He took pleasure in pedestrianism as well as in the blood-tingling gallop of a mettled steed. He rowed, he sailed, he fished, he hunted, he boxed, he wrestled; and at all the sports and exercises that he essayed, he excelled. It was his nature to excel.
Wherever he went, in whatsoever society he found himself, Theodore Roosevelt was at home. Honored in the most exclusive circles of the metropolis, he was equally welcome in the ranch-house of the plains and the abode of the lowly. No public man in America—probably none in the world, save Gladstone—was ever so universally known and identified by his mere initials. Certainly no American was ever so constantly greeted and acclaimed in public by the diminutive pet-name of his boyhood. These were no tokens of ordinary popularity; they were tokens of popular love.

Unfailingly courteous to women, he became their especial champion, recognizing their power in human affairs and the rights to which they are entitled. He fought for all the downtrodden and oppressed. Though born in the only real American aristocracy, that of brains and culture, he was pre-eminently a man of the people. And, behold, how easy it is to shorten that statement in his case, and thereby paradoxically make it more complete : He was a man!
Soldier of Liberty and friend of man, farewell! Best thee in peace! Though dead, thou still livest. Thy years of patriotic service have not been spent in vain. The lessons of thy life and the glory of thine achievements shall never fade from the minds of thy grateful countrymen, and in their hearts thou art lovingly enshrined till time shall be no more.
We cherish thy memory here on earth; we commend thy spirit to God who gave it.

January 8, 1919.
ROOSEVELT
Who goes there?   An American!
Brain and spirit and brawn and heart, 'Twas for him that the nations spared
Each to the years its noblest part; Till from the Dutch, the Gaul and Celt
Blossomed the soul of Roosevelt.
Student, trooper, and gentleman Level-lidded with times and kings,
His the voice for a comrade's cheer, His the ear when the saber rings.
Hero shades of the old days melt In the quick pulse of Roosevelt
Hand that's molded to hilt of sword;
Heart that ever has laughed at fear; Type and pattern of civic pride;
Wit and grace of the cavalier; All that his fathers prayed and felt
Gleams in the glance of Roosevelt.
Who goes there?   An American!
Man to the core—as men should be. Let him pass through the lines alone,
Type of the sons of Liberty. Here, where his fathers' fathers dwelt,
Honor and faith for Roosevelt!
                                                   grace dotfie boylan  (1901)

CHAPTER TWO
 BIRTH AND BOYHOOD

Theodore Roosevelt a, Native of New York—His Pioneer Ancestry—Social and Political Leaders in New York City — His Parents and Grandparents — The Soy Father of the Man.
T
HEODOEE ROOSEVELT, destined to become twenty-sixth President of the United States and the typical American citizen, was born on October 27, 1858, at No. 28 East 20th Street, New York City. He came of one of the oldest Dutch-American families. For more than two hundred years his forbears have been leaders in the community and councils of New York.

Members of the family were prominent in the commercial and public lif e of the colony under both Dutch and English rule, and, subsequent to the Revolution, in the State. Among them were merchants and lawyers of distinction, who served in both the provincial and the State legislatures.

The founder of the family in America was Klaes Martensen van Rosevelt (as the name was originally spelled), who left Holland about 1644 "to better himself spiritually and financially." After many days in the steerage of a slow-sailing vessel, he landed at what was then called New Amsterdam, at the foot of Manhattan Island. He was a typical settler, or immigrant, much the same as many who yearly come to our shores and are given the freedom of the country to prove themselves good citizens or failures, thrifty or shiftless, the founders of American families or burdens to the state. It was his fortune to found a great, a useful, and a patriotic American family, of untold value to the state and the nation.

From that time for the next seven generations every one of the Roosevelts was born en Manhattan Island, and for seven generations Roosevelts, father and son, have from the same district in New York represented the people in the city council, the State Assembly and the United States Congress. In Theodore Roosevelt's ancestry are found soldiers and political leaders, merchants, judges, planters and philanthropists.

During the Revolution some of the family served acceptably, though without special distinction, in the Continental army. Others rendered service in the Continental Congress or in various local legislatures. There were ancestors of Theodore Roosevelt both in the North and in the South during the Revolutionary period. Those in the North were for the most part merchants; those in the South planters.
A Dinner to George Washington
Of Klaes van Rosevelt's descendants, one of the many to appear in prominence was Isaac Roosevelt, who had dropped the "Van" and was a member of the New York provincial council, a member of the city council and the president of the Bank of New York.

As an auditor of the accounts of the State at the close of the Revolution in 1783 Isaac Roosevelt approved a bill for the entertainment of the French Minister and George Washington at a dinner where the bill for wine considerably exceeded the bill for food, and where, as Colonel Roosevelt pointed out in his autobiography, only eight of the guests survived the potations to coffee. One John Cape was the caterer, and his significant bill was as follows:

The State of New York, to John Cape	Dr.

To a Dinner Given by His Excellency the Governor and Council to their Excellencies the Minister of France and General Washington & Co. 1783

December
To 120 dinners at 8s		            £48: 0:0
To 135 Bottles Madira  	              54: 0:0
"36…. ditto Port  		             10:16:0
"60     ditto English Beer		        9:0:0
"30    BoulsPunch		                9:0:0
" 8…. dinners for Musick	               1:12:0
"10      ditto for Sarvts		        2: 0:0
 60    Wine Glasses Broken	               4:10:0
  8     Cutt decanters Broken	       3:  0:0
Coffee for 8 Gentlemen		        1:12:0
"     Music  fees  &ca		       8:  0:0
''     Fruits & Nuts		               5:  0:0
                                          £156:10:0
By  Cash   	                             100:16:0
                                             55:14:0

We a Committee of Council having examined the above account do certify it (amounting to one hundred and fifty-six Pounds ten Shillings’) to be just. December 17th 1783.

ISAAC ROOSEVELT
 JAS. DTJANE 
EGBT. BENSON 
FRED. JAY

Received the above Contents in full
New York 17th December 1783	
JOHN CAPE

Imagine the effect on public opinion if a bill of that nature were to be presented nowadays for payment by the State of New York, for the entertainment of the French Ambassador and General Pershing.

An earlier ancestor was Nicholas J. Roosevelt, born in New York and a member of the City Council of New York from 1700 to 1701. His son, John, a merchant, served as a member of the city government from 1748 to 1767, and laid the foundation of the Roosevelt fortune. John's son, Cornelius, was also a merchant who was elected to the New York city council following the Revolution, from 1785 to 1801. The son of Cornelius, James Roosevelt, another merchant, was a member of the city council in 1797 at the same time his father was a member.

President Roosevelt's Grandfather
The son of James was James J. Roosevelt, grandfather of the future President. He was a member of the city council of New York from 1828 to 1830, a member of the State Legislature and congressional representative from 1835 to 1840.

James J. Roosevelt was associated with Robert Fulton in the invention of the steamboat, and the promotion of navigation by steam. After the success of the experiment had been established in the tidewater region, James J. Roosevelt made a survey of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, with the idea of introducing steam navigation in those streams. Satisfied that the plan was feasible, he built at Pittsburgh the first steamboat on the Western inland waters, with which in the winter of 1810-1811 he made the first trip by steam from that point to New Orleans.
"Of my grandfather," said the Colonel in his autobiography, "my most vivid childish reminiscence is not something I saw, but a tale that was told me concerning him. In his boyhood, Sunday was as dismal a day for small Calvinistic children of Dutch descent as if they had been of Puritan or Scotch Covenanting or French Huguenot descent—and I speak as one proud of his Holland, Huguenot and Covenanting ancestors, and proud that the blood of that stark Puritan divine, Jonathan Edwards, flows in the veins of his children. One mer afternoon, after listening to an unusually long Dutch Reformed sermon for the second time that day, my grandfather, a small boy, running home before the congregation had dispersed, ran into a party of pigs, which then wandered free in New York streets. He promptly mounted a big boar, which no less promptly bolted and carried him at full speed through the midst of the outraged congregation.''

His Father
James J. Roosevelt's son Theodore (1831-1878), the father of the President, was one of the foremost citizens of New York. He was a member of the prosperous house of Roosevelt & Co., glass importers, of Maiden Lane, when on a trip to Georgia he met Miss Martha Bulloch, mother of the future President. During the Civil War he aided in the equipment and organization of troops, including negro regiments, and was one of the leaders in organizing the Sanitary Commission. He suggested and drew up the Federal Allotment law, devised for the purpose of saving the pay of soldiers, and himself served as a member of the State Allotment Commission which saved more than $5,000,000 for the soldiers of New York State. He was one of the founders of the Union League Club, the Orthopedic Hospital, and the Children's Aid Society, while the Newsboys' Lodging House owed its existence to his sole efforts. As a practical philanthropist, the works he accomplished for the poor were legion, and when he died, in 1878, a year before his famous son became of age, flags flew at half-mast all over the City of New York and rich and poor followed his remains to the grave.

It is interesting at the present time, with the problems of reconstruction after the Great War staring the nation in the face, that on the return of peace after the Civil War, when hundreds of thousands of young men were suddenly mustered out of the army and thrown upon their own resources, it was the elder Roosevelt who formed a Soldiers' Employment Bureau in New York, whose streets were thronged with idle and moneyless men. To see that they got their just dues from the Government without being robbed by claim agents, he joined in establishing the Protective Claims Association.

"My father, Theodore Roosevelt, was the best man I ever knew,'' said the Colonel in recalling his youth. '' He combined strength and courage with gentleness, tenderness, and great unselfishness. He would not tolerate in us children selfishness or cruelty, idleness, cowardice, or untruthfulness. As we grew older he made us to understand that the same standard of clean living was demanded for the boys as for the girls; that what was wrong in a woman could not be right in a man. With great love and patience and the most understanding sympathy and consideration, he combined insistence on discipline. He never physically punished me but once, but he was the only man of whom I was ever really afraid. I do not mean that it was a wrong fear, for he was entirely just, and we children adored him.''

His Mother
On his mother's side, Theodore Roosevelt was descended from some of the best-known families of the South, combining in his veins the blood of both Scotch-Irish and Huguenot ancestors. His great-great-grandfather, Archibald Bulloch, was a member of the Continental Congress, and the first State Governor of Georgia. One of his great-grandfathers, Daniel Stewart, was a brigadier-general in the Continental army.
The lineal descent on the maternal side to Colonel Roosevelt was as follows: One of the sons of Governor Bulloch of Georgia was Captain James Bulloch of the Virginia state garrison, who was born in 1765. He and his wife, Annie Irvine, were the parents of Major James S. Bulloch, who married a daughter of United States Senator Dunwoodie, and later married Martha Stewart, daughter of General Daniel Stewart of the Revolution. Of this marriage came Martha Bulloch, who married Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., of New York on December 23, 1853, at her father's home in Roswell, Cobb County, Ga. These were the parents of Theodore Roosevelt, who became President of the United States and died at Oyster Bay, N. Y., on January 6, 1919.

Of his mother, the late President wrote: '' My mother, Martha Bulloch, was a sweet, gracious, beautiful Southern woman, a delightful companion and beloved by everybody. She was entirely 'unreconstructed' to the day of her death. Her mother, my grandmother, one of the dearest of old ladies, lived with us and was distinctly over-indulgent to us children, being quite unable to harden her heart towards us even when the occasion demanded it."

It is interesting to note that Theodore's two uncles on his mother's side, James Dunwoodie Bulloch and Irvine Bulloch, of Georgia, visited the Roosevelts in New York shortly after the close of the Civil War. Being at that time among the Confederates exempted from the amnesty, they came under assumed names.

Mrs. Roosevelt's elder brother, Captain James Dunwoodie Bulloch, had been in the United States Navy, but at the outbreak of the Civil War was in the merchant marine, commanding a ship plying between New York and New Orleans. This ship, the Bienville, was in port at New Orleans at the time of the secession of Louisiana from the Union, and the Governor commanded Captain Bulloch to turn her over to the state. The Captain refused, and his fealty to the South was brought into doubt. Nevertheless he believed that honor required him to deliver the vessel into the hands of her owners in New York. Until he had done that he did not feel free to join the Confederacy.
On offering his services to Jefferson Davis, he was at once commissioned a captain in the Confederate Navy and dispatched to England to buy arms for the new government. He discharged this duty successfully and delivered his purchases, being the first to run the blockade.
His next assignment was one of the most important and delicate tasks that fell to a Confederate officer. He returned to England to buy and equip vessels of war for the South. The British government was forbidden by the laws of neutrality to permit such a thing to be done in her ports. The minister of the United States did his utmost to prevent the launching of the Confederate vessels which Captain Bulloch built, and commissioners were hastened from Washington, with $10,000,000 in United States bonds, in a last effort to stop his work.
But he was not checked until he had set afloat fully half a dozen ships under the stars and bars of the South, among them the Alabama, and when the war was over Great Britain was compelled, by the arbitration of Geneva, to pay the government of the United States $15,000,000 for the damages which Captain Bulloch's ships had inflicted on Northern shipping. For his services he was commissioned admiral by the Confederacy.
Mrs. Roosevelt's younger brother Irvine won a commission in the navy of the South and was the navigating officer of the Alabama in the destructive cruise of that ship. When the Alabama was sunk in a battle with the United States ship Kearsarge off the coast of France, he commanded the last gun that was in action and fired the last shot from her sinking deck. The men of the Alabama were rescued by an English yacht, and Irvine Stephens Bulloch married the daughter of one of his English rescuers.

President Roosevelt did not hesitate to say that he was proud of the gallantry of his Confederate uncles in the war, and of "Uncle Jimmy" he said: "My uncle always struck me as the nearest approach to Colonel Newcome (Thackeray's hero in 'The Virginians') of any man I ever met in actual life."

A Product of Heredity
Even this cursory glance at the nature of his ancestry will doubtless be found sufficient to force conviction that Theodore Roosevelt was essentially a product of heredity—"an example which the eugenists (whose views he championed) may cite with pride, and a witness to the value of taintless blood and vigorous stock. He was what he was, through the heritage of his ancestors."

Henry Adams, a great-grandson of one President and a grandson of another wrote of him a few years ago that "Roosevelt, more than any other man living, - showed the primitive quality that belongs to ultimate matter—the quality that medieval theology assigned to God—he was pure act. * * * Roosevelts are born and never can be taught."

And it is a striking fact that even that supreme endowment of will, which enabled him by conscious discipline and conscientious endeavor to build over his puny body into one of vast energy and strength, may readily be traced to ancestors of stark Puritan makeup, to whom an implacable will was most pleasing in the sight of God and the lack of it an evil and a horror.

The superb physical equipment of Roosevelt's progenitors, which had become weakened through time and chance, he regained by the use of the great fund of resolution with which they had endowed him.

In his veins was Dutch, German, Scotch-Irish, Welsh, French Huguenot, and English blood, with the blood of Dutch dissenters and Scotch Covenanters predominating. In him were blended the temperaments of the Calvinists of the North and the French Huguenots of the South, of the Quakers and of the Puritans. And of these the outstanding virtues are obviously honesty, strength of conviction, righteousness, self-discipline, and the fighting qualities which insure and go with them. In his ancestry can be traced no neurasthenics or sentimentalists, no wavering, weak-willed, inert, and dependent men or women. The Roosevelt stock has given us no poets or philosophers, theologians or great authors, men of arts or of science; but it has given us men of service and of action.

Boyhood Days
The Roosevelt baby who was destined to become the Nation's twenty-sixth—and youngest—President was one of four children, two boys and two girls. He was the elder son and the only one to grow to manhood. The house on East Twentieth Street in which he was born was a typical New York town house of the old-fashioned sort, in the Gramercy Park section of Manhattan. It was furnished as he himself has said, "in the canonical taste of the New York which George William Curtis has described in ' The Potiphar Papers.' The black haircloth furniture in the dining room scratched the bare legs of the children when they sat on it. The middle room was a library, with tables, chairs, and bookcases of gloomy respectability. It was without windows, and so was available only at night. The front room, the parlor, seemed to us children to be a room of much splendor, but was open for general use only on Sunday evening or on rare occasions when there were parties. The Sunday evening family gathering was the redeeming feature in a day which otherwise we children did not enjoy—chiefly because we were all of us made to wear clean clothes and keep neat."

As a boy the young Theodore played tag in Madison Square, which was not far from his home in East Twentieth Street. The summers were spent in the country, now at one place, now at another, sometimes at Oyster Bay, Long Island, where Mr. Roosevelt subsequently made his permanent home.

All the Roosevelt children loved the country and its outdoor life, and were always wildly eager to get to the country when spring came. They had there all manner of pets, ran barefoot much of the time, and with a favorite Shetland pony named General Grant developed a great fondness and aptitude for riding. Thirty years later, by the way, Theodore's own children had a pony named General Grant.

Thanksgiving was a festival of great rejoicing in the family, but it was not to be compared with Christmas, which was to the young Roosevelts "an occasion of literally delirious joy." In the next generation it was the annual pleasure of the Colonel to reproduce for his children the Christmas joys of his own youth.
As a boy the young Theodore was puny and sickly; but with that indomitable determination which characterized him in every act of his life, he entered upon the task of transforming his feeble body not merely into a strong one, but into one of the strongest. How well he succeeded every American knows. This physical feebleness bred in him nervousness and self-distrust, and in the same indomitable way he set himself to change his character as he changed his body, and to make himself a man of self-confidence and courage. He has told the story himself in his autobiography:

"When a boy I read a passage in one of Captain Marryat's books which always impressed me. In the passage the captain of some small British man-of-war is explaining to the hero how to acquire the quality of fearlessness. He says that at the outset almost every man is frightened when he goes into action, but that the course to follow is for the man to keep such a grip on himself that he can act just as if he was not frightened. After this is kept up long enough it changes from pretense to reality, and the man does in very fact become fearless by sheer dint of practicing fearlessness when he does not feel it (I am using my own language, not Marryat's.) This was the theory upon which I went. There were all kinds of things which I was afraid of first, ranging from grizzly bears to 'mean' horses and gun-fighters; but by acting as if I was not afraid I gradually ceased to be afraid. Most men can have the same experience if they choose. They will first learn to bear themselves well in trials, which they anticipate and school themselves in advance to meet After awhile the habit will grow on them, and they will behave well in sudden and unexpected emergencies which come upon them unawares."

Weak, but Not an Invalid
Theodore, the child, was far from being an invalid during those early days at Oyster Bay and elsewhere in the country, but he was markedly less robust than even the physical average of his little playmates—so much so that he was rarely permitted to play with the lusty youngsters of his neighborhood.

But he had a strong will and a crystal brain even when a child. He battled with a troublesome asthma in boyhood days by "working" in a porch gymnasium. Steadily his bodily health was being brought nearer the normal by outdoor exercise, the' boy himself as he grew older arranging a programme of rowing, swimming in the Sound, hikes over the hills, long horseback rides. Also he kept a diary and read so many books of history and adventure that he was a boyish bookworm.

As he grew older and as his chest expanded, he grew to love his outdoor life with a passion that remained forever.

Developed Into a Naturalist
Simultaneously his rambles and rides developed an early interest in animals, birds, plants, all growing things, which in time was to assume an importance in his mentality second only to his love of political life and was to make of him a naturalist.

The fight for health lasted for years. The winter of his childhood spent on the Nile partly rid him of the asthma, but it was not until he had lived in the West that the disease left him. Besides his bodily weaknesses he was very near-sighted.

In Roosevelt's boyhood home, under the discipline of his father, there was plenty of time for play, but none for idleness. If he was not strong, he was at least all boy, if we are to accept the description of one of his earlier intimates, the Long Island stage driver on whose front seat "Ted" frequently rode.

"He was a reg’lar boy. He was allus outdoors climbing trees and goin' bird nestin'. I remember him partic'lar like because he had queer living things in his pockets.''

The child was indeed father to the man, and many of the tastes acquired in boyhood remained with him to the end, in a highly developed and specialized form.

Weakness so often interrupted the studies of the young Theodore that he took no pleasure in the competition of the schoolroom, although the records of the public school, which he attended for a time, give him 97 in geography, 96 in history, and 98 in rhetoric. His 86 in spelling was pretty good for a spelling reformer. It is remembered by his teachers that he was strong for composition and declamation and that he had uncommon skill in map-making. His schooling, however, was necessarily irregular, and he was prepared for college by a private instructor.

His Early Democracy
When Theodore was about ten years old his parents took a house overlooking the Hudson River in Dobbs Ferry for a summer. The property is known as the Paton place, and its association with the Roosevelts has been a source of pride to the older people of the pretty village opposite the Palisades.

Theodore is remembered by Dobbs Ferry men who were boys with him as small of stature for his years and inclined to be delicate. They remember also that the force of character, courage, and democracy that later became dominant characteristics were noticeable in his dealings with his companions. Unlike the other youths of prominent families that lived on the big estates along Broadway, from the first days of his family arrival he took part with energy in the boyish enterprises of those among whom he found himself. He was usually to be found with a crowd of boys on expeditions to the Saw Mill Eiver to swim and fish, and on these hikes, though many were bigger and stronger than he, none outdid him in endurance.

Roosevelt's particular pal among the boys was John MacNichol, and the friendship of the two lasted until the day of the Colonel's death, when MacNichol told how he came to be the friend of Roosevelt's Dobbs Ferry days.

Roosevelt, assertive in what he believed to be right, quarreled with two other boys of the "gang." Both of the other boys were bigger than Roosevelt, but he had raised his arms and was awaiting the onrush of the two when MaeNichol arrived. MacNichol, who was strong for his age, took Roosevelt's part and his two foes called off the impending fight.

In later years MacNiehol became the village blacksmith. While he was hammering at his anvil his old friend was mounting to the great position he attained. Roosevelt did not forget his old friend, and on the not infrequent occasions when he passed through Dobbs Ferry after automobiles made Broadway along the Hudson a popular highway, he always stopped at MacNichol's shop for a chat.

When the former President died, MacNichol showed a memento which he cherishes most highly. It is a letter on White House stationery from President Roosevelt, thanking him for a horseshoe which the blacksmith had fashioned with particular care.
Two Trips to Europe
The young Theodore was taken to Europe in 1869 in the hope that it would benefit his health. "A tall, thin lad with bright eyes and legs like pipe stems," is the memory picture drawn by one who was a playmate of his on the ship. Again, in 1873, he crossed the seas and went to Algiers, for his weakened lungs were giving his family some concern and the warm African air was sought as a balm for them. By President Grant's appointment, his father was the American commissioner to the Vienna Exposition in that year, and Theodore, with his brother Elliott and sister Corinne, now Mrs. Douglas Robinson, were brought from Algiers to Dresden, in Germany, where they were placed in the home of a tutor.

This tutor interested Theodore, because he was an old revolutionist of 1848 and had suffered in prison for German liberty. He was, moreover, a member of the German parliament or reichstag in 1873. It is recalled in this family that their young American guest was an eager and enterprising student, but not a brilliant scholar. Nevertheless, one member of the household lived to vow that she predicted then that he would be President of the United States. '.'He seemed to pick up things, one did not know how." He delighted in the German classics and laid the foundation for speaking German well, although his asthma, while in Dresden, made an uninterrupted conversation by him very difficult. All the while, however, he was fighting for health and strength with all the determination of his nature and an indomitable will to succeed, as he ultimately did.

He took drawing lessons in Dresden and showed an unusual interest in natural history, the pursuit of which took him outdoors. When the Roosevelts were leaving Dresden for Switzerland, it was found that Theodore's trunk was so filled with the stones he had collected that he had discarded some of his clothing. His mother thought it better to leave the stones than the clothes, but as fast as she threw them out of the trunk, the young disciple of Nature picked them up and, truly boy like, put as many of them as he could in his pockets.

Dresden always remained a happy memory to Mr. Roosevelt, and just before entering Harvard he wrote to his old friends in Germany: "I shall not go into business until I have passed through college, which will not be for four years. What business I shall enter then I do not know." He did not need to cross the bridge until he came to it.

He had won the battle of his boyhood. He had vanquished the enemy of ill-health and was ready to play a man's part in life. "I made my health what it is," he once said. "I determined to be strong and well and did everything to make myself so. By the time I entered Harvard I was able to take part in whatever sports I liked. I wrestled and sparred and I ran a great deal, and, although I never came in first, I got more out of the exercise than those who did, because I immensely enjoyed it and never injured myself."

Felt the Unity of the Nation
Intellectually and morally, Theodore Roosevelt inherited much from his progenitors. Born just before the Civil War of a Northern father and a Southern mother, both sympathizing with their native section of the land, he came naturally by his strong feeling that all sections of the country were coherent as a nation. This feeling was strengthened by his intimacy with the West and increased by his utter familiarity with the East.

To this feeling may be traced his well-known conviction for Federal centralization, perhaps one of the strongest of his convictions. His pronounced feeling for the South is also traceable to his pride in the family of his mother.

"He got," so it has been said, "his love of a scrap from the Irish in him, his volatility from the French, his wariness from the Dutch, and his frugality from the Scotch."

 CHAPTER THREE
 LIFE IN COLLEGE
Enters Harvard University—Appearance at That Time— A Studious Collegian—Vacations in the Maine Woods —Boxing at Harvard—Graduation—Another Trip to Europe,
When he returned to America from Europe at the age of fifteen, Theodore Roosevelt began serious study under tutors to enter Harvard. In 1876, when near eighteen, he was enrolled as a freshman and entered the University. Of all the members of the class of '80, his classmates have said, he was almost the last they would have picked out as a man destined for greatness. He who was to become the most rugged and impressive figure in the public life of his time went to college a stripling of average height, slim of build, with narrow shoulders and a rather flat chest. The fight for ruggedness was not yet fully won when he appeared on the campus at Cambridge.
Just before entering Harvard he had been sent by his family into the woods of Maine, where he developed his taste for woodcraft under an old guide, Bill Sewall of Island Falls. Here he learned to know and to love the wilderness. He camped and tramped with the old woodsman and made a lifelong friend of him. In the village of Island Falls the pale young man from New York is still remembered, and it is said, "Everyone in the Falls likes him, for he was as plain as a spruce board and as square as a brick." He had shot his first deer in the Adirondaoks at the age of sixteen, and in Maine he roamed the primeval forest with Bill Sewall, who pronounced the boy "grit clear through." Most of his college vacations subsequently were spent with Bill in the Maine woods.

A Good Student
In college the young Roosevelt was studious. He was neither a "grind" nor a trifler. His name and his means, two things that counted for a good deal at Cambridge, gave him an opportunity to splurge. But the struggle for health in his boyhood had given him simple tastes, and he could not be a snob, because he had been brought up to respect the feelings of others.

He selected two rooms in a lodging house near Harvard Yard, we are told, and these he fitted up plainly. Instead of the unbecoming extravagance and frivolity, with which well-to-do students sometimes furnish their quarters, at an expense running into the thousands, his rooms were ornamented by the skins of stuffed animals and by rare birds which he himself had mounted. He did sport a high and fancy trap, which was the latest fashion then, for he loved a horse, although he was not yet the finished horseman that he afterward became.

Though he never cared to "loaf," when he entered a room where loafing was going on he always gave a hearty greeting to "the roomful of fellows," then usually took up a book, probably one on natural history, and became dead to the world. While he studied industriously, he took more exercise than his friends realized. He ate "ravenously of plain food," and a man who sat at the same table with him for four years never heard biro "kick about the grub."
The more select clubs and societies at Harvard sought him out and took him in, and his name was enrolled among the chosen few of his class in the Institute of 1870, the Porcellian Club, and the Alpha Delta Phi, more renowned as the A. D., while he became secretary of the famous old Hasty Pudding Club. At the same time he is remembered pleasantly by that other and far larger number of his classmates, who were not of these fraternities, although he had not yet gained the full measure of the active democratic spirit which his broader life out of college was to give him.

While many homes in Cambridge and in Boston were open to him, he evinced little taste for formal society, his interests being in quite another direction. "He welcomed the chance to meet his fellows in the friendly rivalry of vigorous sports," says one of his biographers, "and to put to the test the strength and skill he had acquired on his back porch gymnasium at home. To develop the muscles of his legs, which were not yet the firm support that they were to be in his full maturity, he took to skipping the rope. Others caught the habit from him and rope skipping passed into the fashion of the day. Wrestling was another of his hearty pastimes, and he pursued it as a science."

An incident of his student life at Harvard shows how Theodore Roosevelt had already gained that readiness to act in any situation which was one of his marked traits at all times. A horse in a stable adjoining his lodgings aroused the neighborhood in the dead of night by a noise that indicated it was in sore trouble. Half a dozen men got up and dressed and went to the rescue, only to find, when they reached the stable, that Roosevelt was already on the scene and doing the needed thing to reliev the poor beast. For he had not stopped to dress nor even to take time to walk downstairs. He had gone to the rescue out of a second-story back window, and climbed down a piazza post in his night clothes.

In 1877 he was one of twelve members of the sophomore class mentioned for the editorial board of the Harvard Advocate. A committee was appointed to inquire into the fitness of the men for the places, that the board might vote with intelligence. When the editors came together to hear the reports, the man who had looked into the qualifications of young Roosevelt said:

"I cannot see that he is the kind of man we want. Although I find that he is a thoroughly good fellow and much liked by his classmates, I do not believe that he has much literary interest. He spends his spare time clipping off pieces of rock and examining strata, catching butterflies and bugs, and would, I think, be better suited for a scientific society than for us.''

The board sustained this view, and instead of Roosevelt elected a man who has since won considerable fame as a writer of fiction. Later in his course, however, Mr. Roosevelt was elected to the board, but did little editorial work.

Boxing at Harvard
Barred from baseball and football by poor eyesight and from the crew by his light weight of 130 pounds, he turned his attention to boxing, a sport in which above all things a man must have a keen sight for judging distance. He sometimes strapped a large pair of glasses to his head before beginning a sparring match and probably is the only man who ever took the chances of hard boxing with a pair of glasses on his nose. His delicate appearance amazed those who saw him make his first appearance in the gymnasium, and he was a very doubtful-looking entry in the lightweight class. To offset his handicaps, he aimed to lead swiftly and heartily, and thus put his opponent on the defensive from the start.

In many ways Roosevelt's later life was foreshadowed at Harvard. A remarkable similarity, reflecting his generally recognized straightforward sportsmanlike qualities, is found for example in incidents that took place in the sparring ring at Harvard and at Milwaukee in the fall of 1912 when he was campaigning as the Progressive candidate and was shot by erratic John Schrank. Here is an instance in which he showed the real sportsmanship that was always one of his most marked characteristics:

Sisters, parents and admirers had gathered in the name of their pet undergraduates for the fall athletic meeting in the old round gymnasium by Quincy Street and Memorial Hall at Cambridge. Roosevelt was a junior then and entered for the middle-weight sparring. His antagonist was a senior. The senior sparred with more coolness, but neither seemed to have the advantage.

At the end of a round "Time!" was called and Roosevelt dropped his defense. The senior, however, before he knew the round was over, landed a hai J jolt on the junior's nose and the blood flowed freely. Immediately a hiss went up and cries of "Shame!" It was only a second before Roosevelt, whirling round, checked the demonstration with a gesture demanding silence.

" It's all right! It's all right!" he exclaimed. '' He didn 't hear the call!'' And he seized his opponent's hand in a hearty grip.

Taught Sunday-School at Harvard
But while Theodore Roosevelt was active in the gymnasium at Harvard, he was also active in good works. Having joined the old church of his fathers, the Dutch Reformed, in New York, and for awhile taught a Sunday-school class there, it was natural that he should seek out a Sunday-school and a chance to teach as soon as he was settled at Harvard, and that his choice should have fallen upon a mission school. There being no church of his own denomination in Cambridge, he took a class in the handiest school, which happened to be of the high-church Episcopalian variety. "Theodore Roosevelt asked no questions, but went to work." He got on famously with his class of boys and girls.

Then one Sunday a boy came to school with a black eye, and owned up that he had got it in a fight. The young teacher questioned him earnestly about it. The boy explained that "Jim," who sat beside his sister, had been in the habit of pinching her during the lessons. So they had had a stand-up fight about it, and he had gallantly given "Jim" a good punching but had acquired a black eye for himself in the process of punishing the offender. The verdict of Theodore Roosevelt, muscular Christian, was prompt.

"You did perfectly right," he said to the boy, and gave him a dollar. The class hailed this as ideal justice, but it scandalized the officers of the school, with whom Roosevelt was not popular. He had failed to observe some of the forms of the Episcopal service, being unfamiliar with them, and the upshot of the matter was that Roosevelt moved over to a Congregational Sunday-school near by and taught there during the remainder of his four years' course in college.

Impressions of Harvard
"I thoroughly enjoyed Harvard and I am sure it did me good," wrote Mr. Roosevelt in later years, "but ther was very little in my actual studies which helped me in after life. Before I left Harvard I was already writing one or two chapters of a book I afterwards published, on the naval war of 1812. These chapters were so dry that they would have made a dictionary seem light reading by comparison. Still, they represented purpose and serious interest on my part.

"I had at that time no idea of going into public life, V and I never studied elocution or practiced debating. This was a loss to me in one way. In another way it was not. Personally I have not the slightest sympathy with the debating contests in which each side is arbitrarily assigned a given proposition and told to maintain it without the least reference to whether those maintaining it believe in it or not. I know that under our system this is necessary for lawyers, but I emphatically disbelieve in it as regards general discussion of political, social, and industrial matters.

"What we need is to turn out of our colleges young men with ardent convictions on the side of the right; not young men who can make a good argument on either right or wrong as their interest bids them. The present method of carrying on debates encourages precisely the wrong attitude among those who take part in them. There is no effort to instill sincerity and intensity of conviction. On the contrary, the net result is to make the contestants feel that their convictions have nothing to do with their arguments. I am sorry I did not study elocution in college ; but I am exceedingly glad that I did not take part in the type of debate in which stress is laid, not upon getting a speaker to think rightly, but on getting him to talk glibly on the side to which he is assigned, without regard either to what his convictions are or to what they ought
to be.
"As regards political economy, I was of course while in college taught the laissez-faire doctrines—one of them being free trade—then accepted as canonical. Most American boys of my age were taught both by their surroundings and by their studies certain principles which were very valuable from the standpoint of national interest, and certain others which were very much the reverse. The political economists were not especially to blame for this; it was the general attitude of the writers who wrote for us of that generation."

Graduation and Travel
He graduated from Harvard with the degree of A. B. in June, 1880, standing twenty-second in his class, which, by the way, was about the same as Grant's rank at West Point. He won few academic honors. No commencement part fell to him and the only mentions he received were in natural history and economics. He had shaped his studies to some extent with the idea of fitting himself to be a professor in some branch of natural science, but gradually the desire for a more active career than that afforded by a college professorship possessed him.

After graduation at the age of twenty-two, young Roosevelt went almost immediately to Europe. An indication of his improved physical condition is found in the fact that he climbed the Jungfrau and the Matterhorn, thereby winning immediately membership in the Alpine Club of London, an honor not given to weaklings of soul or body. He returned to New York with the strongest sort of a bent for life in the open—and decided to become a lawyer.

He entered the Columbia University Law School, at the same time hammering away at the practical side of law in the office of his uncle, Robert Barnhill Roosevelt—a Democrat and distinguished Manhattan lawyer, who was a member of the old Committee of Seventy that dug into Tammany crookedness; a Democratic member of Congress in the early '70s, United States Minister to the Netherlands later, a national committeeman, and first president of the Holland Society.

But young Theodore Roosevelt never followed out the law to the extent of becoming a full-fledged lawyer. The death of his father in 1878 had left him with a fortune, modest but ample enough to wander into whatever fields invited, and, although he had only just become of age, the most tempting field to him even then was politics.

Advice to a Young Lawyer
Before Theodore had been in Robert Roosevelt's law office long enough to take his examination for admission to the bar, he was elected to the State Legislature. Though he never practiced law, he had definite ideas on the way to win success at the bar, and expressed them a few years later for the benefit of a struggling young lawyer.

"If I were you," he said, "I would hang out my shingle and get a case. I don't care how you get it. Your own wits ought to find one, at least, which no other lawyer has. I would not take a justice-shop case, either. I would find a case that was right up in the regular courts, and which possessed some merit. I wouldn't take it up for nothing, either, or on a contingency. I would have a decent fee attached to it. In other words, I would have as many respectable features attached to the case as possible under the circumstances.

"Having got that case, I would try it as if it were the last case I ever expected to have or which would ever be in the courts. I would not make a nuisance of myself you know enough to avoid that—but you can be so persistent that you will win the respect of everyone who in !any way comes in connection with the trial. Put all of yourself into the case. Get every side of it, and above all things hammer it into your client by the force of your actions that your integrity is above reproach.

"When you get done with the case you will have a reputation that many lawyers devote years in other ways trying to obtain. You will find that a second case is certain to come to you whether you lose or win the first case. I would treat the second case just as I did the first one. Live and act as if there never were such a case in existence before, and master it, just as you are required to master your studies at the law school. If you find yourself weakening at all, use the spur and whip until you have created an enthusiasm in your work that imparts itself to client, court, and jury, and results in your victory.

"Go at the third case in the same way. And for the matter of that, as your patronage increases, give the same treatment to all your cases. You will create confidence in yourself that will insure you a constant practice, and your clients, once secured, will never leave you."

It may be worth while noting, says Mr. George "William Douglas, that this theory worked, for the young man put it into practice and won his first case on a technical point which all the other lawyers had overlooked.

 CHAPTER FOUR
ENTRY INTO POLITICS
Attends His First Primary—Discovers His Life Work— Nominated and Elected State Assemblyman—Fights Corruption and Beats a Hired Thug—Good Work and Valuable Experience in the Legislature—Reform His Watchword—Early Steps in National Politics.
It was in 1881, when he was twenty-three years of age, that Theodore Roosevelt attended his first primary in New York and thereupon discovered his life work. To the average well-educated young man of his day, there might well have seemed nothing but mean selfishness and sordidness in a city primary; but Mr. Roosevelt was prompt to recognize the power of the primary and its importance in a free government.

He saw an opportunity for good work to his liking, and practical politics immediately began to attract him. It was the beginning of a life-long interest, based upon a sincere desire to correct existing evils of government to be of service to the community wherever service such as he could render was needed. From that time on he served wherever duty called and was never found wanting.

Mr. Roosevelt had only just returned home from his post graduation travels when he was solicited to become a candidate for election to the Legislature of New York from the Twenty first Assembly district of the State.
For nearly two centuries the Roosevelts had been concerned with public affairs, and the prospect of an active political life had a natural attraction for the young man. Hon. Chauncey Depew, the distinguished former Senator of New York, has told in his memorial article in earlier pages some of the circumstances that attended the first nomination of Mr. Roosevelt for public office, and it is not necessary to recount them. Other intimate details of the event, however, that are still remembered among New York politicians, will be found interesting.

How He Was Nominated
One day when Mr. Roosevelt was scarcely more than a year beyond the last of his college days, he met one Joe Murray, a district worker around the Roosevelt home locality. Joe Murray had had a falling out with Jacob Hess, the district boss of the Twenty-first Assembly district. Jacob Hess had had his own idea as to who should be the next Assemblyman from the Twenty-first. Joe had an idea wholly different.

"Listen, men," said Joe Murray to his faction of anti-Hess district workers, according to the best local political historians of the day. "What this silk-stocking neighborhood will rise to is a swell candidate for the Assembly. Who's the swellest family around here? The Roosevelts. Listen, men—let's trot out this young colleger, Teddy Roosevelt, and we'll put Barney Hess flat on his back."

The young "colleger" got the nomination.   Instantly he began a local campaign that had all those elements of the picturesque which in after years were to draw the attention of the world to his far greater contests.   And whether it was due to his own campaign methods, the a hearty hustling of his lieutenant, Joe Murray, a desire of neighborhood for blue blood in the Assembly, or a combination of all these elements, the youthful-looking colleger, Teddy Roosevelt, was elected. He took his seat at Albany in January, 1882.

From the beginning of his public life the party "managers" were against him. They did not like the reputation of Roosevelt's for independent and fearless honesty of purpose and action; they looked young Roosevelt over, noted his square jaw and independence of speech, and resented them. They soon discovered that he was in the habit of thinking for himself and would not submit to dictation from "headquarters," and so his fight against bossism and the powers of evil in politics began with his first nomination and continued with added zest after his election. The "managers" soon found out with what manner of man they had to deal. It was a political giant in process of development. And the young giant knew that corruption existed at Albany and throughout the State. That was enough for him, and he soon got busy.

A Fearless Speech
It was on April 6,1882, that young Roosevelt took the floor in the Assembly at Albany and demanded that Judge Westbrook of Newburgh, against whom certain charges had been made, be impeached. And for sheer moral courage that act is probably supreme in Roosevelt's life thus far. He must have expected failure. Even his youth and idealism and ignorance of public affairs could not blind him to the apparently inevitable consequences.

That speech—the deciding act in Roosevelt's career— was not remarkable for eloquence. But it was remarkable for fearless candor. He called thieves thieves, regardless of their millions; he slashed savagely at the judge and the attorney-general; he told the plain unvarnished truth as his indignant eyes saw it.
When he finished, the veteran leader of the Republicans rose and with gently contemptuous raillery asked that the resolution to take up the charge be voted down. He said he wished to give young Mr. Roosevelt time to think about the wisdom of his course.

"I," said he, "have seen many reputations in the State broken down by loose charges made in the Legislature."

And presently the Assembly gave "young Mr. Roosevelt time to think" by voting not to take up his "loose charges."

Ridicule, laughter, a ripple—apparently it was all over, except the consequences to the bumptious and dangerous young man which might flow from the cross set against his name in the black books of "the ring."

He Fights Corruption and Wins
That night the young man was once more urged to be "sensible," to "have regard for his future usefulness," to "cease injuring the party." He snapped his teeth together and defied the party leaders. The next day he again rose and again lifted his puny voice and his puny hand against smiling, contemptuous Corruption.

Day after day he persevered on the floor of the Assembly, in interviews for the press; a few newspapers here and there joined with him; Assemblymen all over the State began to hear from their constituents. Within a week his name was known from Buffalo to Montauk Point, and everywhere the people were applauding him.

On the eighth day of his bold, smashing attack the resolution to take up the charges was again voted upon at his demand. And the Assemblymen, with the eyes of the whole people upon them, did not dare longer keep themselves on record as defenders of a judge who feared to demand an investigation.   The opposition collapsed. Roosevelt won by 104 to 6.
Beats a Hired Thug
When the gentlemen who had been accustomed to run the lower house of the Legislature, no matter which party was in power, found that they could not control Mr. Roosevelt, that he could be neither bought nor bullied, they resorted to the desperate expedient of hiring a thug to administer physical chastisement as a rebuke for his temerity in opposing their will. The mere fact showed the caliber of the men who had been in almost absolute control of legislation in the State—and the need of men like Roosevelt in public life.

One night, in the lobby of the old Delavan House in Albany, since burned, the thug and his expected victim met. There the legislators were accustomed to congregate every evening and much of the "inside" business of the session was transacted. Mr. Roosevelt started to leave the hotel at 10 o'clock on the night in question, after spending some time chatting with fellow-members. As he passed a door leading to the buffet, a noisy group emerged, as if by signal. Among them was a pugilist known as "Stubby" Collins, and this fellow proceeded to jostle Mr. Roosevelt with some force. Instantly the latter, who was alone, realized the nature and animus of the act. He paused, on guard, and "Stubby" struck at him, demanding with a show of indignation what he meant by running into him that way.

"Stubby's" blow did not land on the young legislator. His employers had not told him that Mr. Roosevelt had been one of the best boxers at Harvard, and enjoyed a fight. But he had been paid to "beat up" the young man and went ahead to earn his fee.
With great coolness Mr. Roosevelt awaited the attack which he knew was coming. He took up a position where he could see, not only the thug, but all the group accompanying him and in the background certain others whom he suspected of being the real principals. As he stood waiting, "Stubby" made his rush.

The fight lasted less than a minute, for the thug had more than met his match. He had the surprise of his life. As his friends picked him up from the floor, a badly beaten man, "Stubby" gazed in astonishment at the smiling Roosevelt and realized that he had much to learn about boxing and "beating up."

As the thug was removed for repairs, Mr. Roosevelt walked across the lobby and pleasantly informed the astounded promoters of the affair that he understood their connection with it and was greatly obliged to them. He said he had not enjoyed anything so much for a year.

Respect for his personality was thenceforth among the mingled feelings with which he was regarded by the inner circles of legislation at Albany, and his influence grew apace.

Becomes a Force in Politics
The investigation of the accused judge which Mr. Roosevelt had secured, as noted above, resulted in a whitewashing report, but that was not his fault.

The vote to investigate was his first personal political victory, and from then on in the Legislature he was a force to be reckoned with. In the fall of 1882, the year in which Grover Cleveland was elected Governor of New York, Roosevelt was re-elected Assemblyman by a big majority, despite the fact that it was a Democratic year. In 1883 he was elected for a third term. During his second term he was the Republican  floor leader, and in his third he was a candidate for the speakership, but was defeated through the influence of Warner Miller.

During his last two terms in the Assembly Roosevelt came into close touch with Grover Cleveland, then Governor. Although of opposite political faiths, there was a bond of sympathy between the two men in their stalwart independence of thought and action, and the Governor grew to trust and rely on his young antagonist, even more surely, it is said, than he did the regular leaders of his own party. Time and again the Governor sought and found in the Republican leader the support and encouragement that his own partisans denied him. Particularly was this true in their united efforts in behalf of a better civil service, in the national development of which both were to be such efficient champions. It was Mr. Roosevelt who, following the recommendation in the Governor's message, introduced and pushed through the Legislature a State civil service act, very similar to and almost simultaneously with the Federal act.

Results of Legislative Work
Mr. Roosevelt's experience in the Legislature was of great value to him, in his development as a public man. It also resulted in his introduction to the nation, for larger opportunities for service were soon to open before him. His work as a legislator was handicapped by the opposition that sought to nullify his efforts, particularly at the start, but he succeeded in making a decided impression on the legislation of his terms and several measures of great public utility owed their inception to him.

Besides securing the enactment of a civil service law for the State, thus inaugurating the merit system where it was sorely needed, he secured an investigation of the county offices of the State. By this investigation it was discovered that the principal officials in New York County were drawing nearly a million dollars a year in fees, while discharging no duties whatever; and all such offices were subsequently placed on a moderate salary basis.

Mr. Roosevelt also began an inquiry into the abuse of police power in New York, and this continued until better conditions were brought about. He secured an amendment to the Constitution of the State, taking from the aldermen of New York City the supreme executive power and placing it where it rightfully belongs, in the hands of the Mayor. This and other reforms in which he aided brought home to the people of the State a better realization of their power and ability to right wrongs and abolish evils, if they would but exert themselves through their representatives and the organization of public opinion to influence legislative action. Eight gallantly did Theodore uphold the Roosevelt traditions in the Legislature.

The Blaine Campaign in 1884
Republican State leaders who had grown gray in the political turmoil while young Roosevelt still was a stripling, suddenly began to look his way and take some notice. In 1884, or in his twenty-sixth year, they sent the young Assemblyman as chairman of the New York delegation to the Republican convention at Chicago which nominated James Gr. Blaine, "the Plumed Knight," idol of the rank and file of Republicanism, as Cleveland's opponent after a bitter scrimmage.

The struggle over the Republican Presidential nomination of 1884 began in the choice of delegates to the State convention. Mr. Roosevelt had to defeat his old opponent, Jacob Hess, the district boss, before he himself secured a place as delegate to the State convention at Utica. He had won the confidence of the reform element of his party, as represented by such men as George William Curtis and Carl Schurz, who were united on George F. Edmunds, of Vermont, as their candidate. Mr. Roosevelt went to Utica an enthusiastic partisan of the Vermont statesman. The convention was divided between supporters of Arthur, Blaine, and Edmunds, and the delegates to the National convention were uninstructed. But Roosevelt and his friends held the balance of power, and he himself was made one of the delegates-at-large and chosen chairman of the delegation.

In the proceedings at the Chicago convention he took a prominent part. He took part, at the opening session, in the revolt against the National Committee's selection of Powell Clayton, of Arkansas, as temporary chairman, and gave his support to John E. Lynch, of Mississippi, 'a negro, who was elected. In the same spirit of revolt at machine dictation he advocated a change in the plan of selecting delegates to future conventions, which should make the number of Republican votes cast in the last previous election a basis of representation. The proposal was defeated then, as it has been several times since. In Ms role of reformer, the twenty-six-year-old delegate opposed the nomination of Blaine to the extent of standing up in the convention and making a speech in which he placed the name of United States Senator George F. Edmunds in nomination. During the bitter struggle which ensued over the balloting, he worked and voted steadfastly for Edmunds, and was one of the nine New York delegates who voted for him on the final ballot.

Went West to Think It Over
After the convention Roosevelt went West to the ranch which he had bought in North Dakota to think the situation over in quiet and make up his mind what course to take. Many of his friends among the reform element of the party had announced in advance of the convention that they would not support Blaine if he were nominated. Every day saw some close friend or associate declaring his intention of supporting the Democratic nominees. He was at a parting of the ways.

The idea of temporarily severing his connection with the party did not appear to him as possible. With him the question was simply whether he should stay in or stay out. He decided to stay in, and having decided he gave out the following public statement: "I intend to vote the Republican  Presidential ticket. A man cannot act both without and within the party; he can do either, but he cannot possibly do both. I went in with my eyes open to do what I could within the party; I did my best and got beaten, and I propose to stand by the result. I am by inheritance and by education a Republican; whatever good I have been able to accomplish in public life has been accomplished through the Republican party; I have acted with it in the past, and I wish to act with it in the future."

Following this declaration he returned to the East, where he took what was for him a rather inactive part in the campaign. Many independent Republicans, however, deserted Blaine and supported Cleveland.

CHAPTER FIVE 
LIFE ON THE RANCH
Getting Acquainted with the Wild West—Thrilled by the Plains—He Buys a Ranch—Gains by Western Life— Fight with a Bully—His Moral Strength—Hunting Big Game—The Roosevelt Ranch.
While he was a member of the New York Legislature, Mr. Roosevelt, between legislative sessions, "surrendered to his impulses'' and determined to become acquainted with the "Wild West." On his first western trip, with buffalo-hunting as the primary object of his quest, he left the train at the little town of Medora, North Dakota, a typical frontier town of those days. It stood then in the midst of the immense cattle country, long believed to be fit for nothing but cattle raising.

The Marquis de Mores, a French nobleman, had a ranch at Medora, and the town was named after the Marchioness. It was the day of the "free range," and the cattle barons usually owned only a small part of the range over which their herds grazed. Here Mr. Roosevelt saw the Wild West "in the last glow of its golden age," soon to vanish before the advancing tide of settlement.

The vast plains thrilled him with a new joy and gave him glimpses of a new life. In his book, "The Wilderness Hunter," he has described the impressions of one who, like himself, felt the charm of the boundless plains:
"In after years there shall come forever to his mind the memory of endless prairies shimmering in the bright sun; of vast, snow-clad wastes, lying desolate under gray skies; of the melancholy marshes; of the rush of mighty rivers; of the breath of the evergreen forest in summer; of the crooning of ice-armored pines at the touch of the winds of winter; of cataracts roaring between hoary mountain passes; of all the innumerable sights and sounds of the wilderness and of the silences that brood in its still depths."

Before he left Medora he had purchased a ranch and identified himself with the West. He had hunted and camped with typical plainsmen and proved himself a man among men. Inquiring how much money it would take to go into the business of cattle-ranching, he was told that it would take at least $45,000. The Chimney Butte Ranch near Medora was available, and next morning Mr. Roosevelt drew a check for $10,000 as first payment on the ranch.

In February of 1884, his mother died and two days later his first wife, who was Miss Alice Hathaway Lee, of Boston, whom he had married in 1880, shortly after he left Harvard, passed away as her daughter, now Alice Roosevelt Longworth, entered the world. These domes-tie sorrows were followed by the defeat of his party with Blaine at the polls in November, 1884, and he then turned his face to the West and sought solitude and distraction on his ranch on the banks of the Little Missouri.

Sending for his old friend and guide, Bill Sewall of the Maine woods, he entered earnestly and practically into the business of ranching. Keeping his ranch at Chimney Butte, a few miles below Medora, he acquired another, many miles above that town. There, on a bluff above the Little Missouri, he found the skulls and interlocked antlers of two big, round-horned elk who had fought until they died. He built a comfortable log-house on the spot and called the place Elkhorn Ranch. Here he spent the greater part of the next two years, living the life of the typical cow-puncher and studying the wildest West so thoroughly that the tang of it ever after was with him. On his ranch he laid the foundation for a series of books, "The Winning of the West," which were published at intervals from 1889 to 1896. Undoubtedly his Bad Lands experiences had much to do, years after, with his organization of the Rough Riders.

Gains by Western Life
From ranching life he acquired skill with horse and gun and the rugged constitution such as he had long sought. At the same time he learned the lesson of valuing associates on their individual worth as men. No one has ever denied to Mr. Roosevelt an understanding of the mind and temper of the man of the plains. His sympathies with the North and the South were bred in him, but "his intimate knowledge of the West was his own achievement."

This rough and unconventional life, amid surroundings where a man's position was measured not by pedigree or bank account, but by his own worth, had a powerful influence on the future President's career. It resulted for him not only in an entire readjustment of values, but gave him an object-lesson in democracy that he never forgot. He entered into the life of the frontier region, not as an outsider with the message of a more highly developed civilization, but as one with the desire to enter into the life about him and accept things as they were. Yet through it all there ran an insistence on the recognition of the reign of law. More than once he taught by example. On one occasion he organized and led a posse in midwinter on a month's chase after cattle thieves, and hroke all precedents by bringing his prisoners safely back to jail, instead of following the usual custom of hanging them where they were captured.

Fight With a Bully
He had not been long in the West before he discovered that certain peculiar social conditions prevailed, and commentators have observed that it was from adapting himself to these circumstances that he learned that a man stands or falls as he masters natural conditions and the circumstances about him. How well he adapted himself to circumstances, with instant decision and fearless action, is illustrated by the oft-told story of his encounter with a swaggering fellow who tried to force him to drink when he did not care to do so. The drawn and smoking gun of his assailant had no terrors for him and his refusal to be bullied resulted in the downfall of the bully and added respect for the young ranchman in the eyes of his fellows. Details of the story will be found among the "Anecdotes of Roosevelt" later on.

Referring to this incident after he had ceased to be a tenderfoot, Mr. Roosevelt himself made this comment: "I was never shot at maliciously but once. My assailant was a broad-hatted ruffian of a cheap type. The fact that I wore glasses, together with my evident desire to avoid a fight, apparently gave him the impression—a, mistaken one—that I would not resent an injury."

Though at first the ranchers were disposed to laugh, at the "four-eyed dude," they changed their opinion when they found that no work was too hard for him, no hardship too severe, no peril too great. From that day to this the cowpunchers and ranchmen have sworn by Theodore Roosevelt, and it was due to this that he was able to get such a fine class of frontiersmen in his regiment of Rough Riders .

Showed His Moral Strength, Too
A characteristic incident showing Roosevelt's readiness to thrown down the moral gauntlet occurred later at Medora at a meeting of cattle men. The county had three prisoners who were the last of a gang of outlaws, and it was shown that a deputy sheriff, who was in his "unofficial moments" a cow thief, was in alliance with them. The ranchmen hesitated to denounce the sheriff when he strolled in to take part in the meeting of protest. He was a "two-gun" man with a nasty temper and "wore a brace of the most restless six shooters in the Kildeer region of the Bad Lands."

Mr. Roosevelt was the one who explained to the sheriff in no uncertain terms the evil of cow stealing. The disappearance of the next cow, he said, might become the signal for declaring the corrupt official's office vacant, and it was not without the pale of possibility that certain of Roosevelt's friends, whom he might be unable to restrain, might invoke the assistance of a rope or a "Winchester in preventing their herds from depredations.

Contrary to expectations, the sheriff drew neither of the guns projecting from his belt; gave no resentful sign. His look at Roosevelt was one of startled understanding of an unpleasant determination. But that was all—and the ranchmen of the Kildeer mountain region came to have a serene feeling as they turned into their blankets at night that their cows would not diminish in number before morning.
From that time on Roosevelt's position in the West was one of distinction among men. His real business was raising cattle and caring for them on the plains, and if anything could have raised him in their estimation more than his determination to be a real "cattle man" as distinct from a "sheep man" it was the display of nerve, which he never lacked.

Captured Boat Thieves
Once on returning from his ranch, says James Morgan in "Theodore Roosevelt, the Boy and the Man," he found that some horse thieves, in making their escape, had taken his boat. They felt sure that this would make them safe from pursuit because there was no other boat. Bill Sewall, however, built a rude craft in great haste, and on this he and Mr. Roosevelt and another man started down the Little Missouri. They floated probably for one hundred and fifty miles before they saw the camp of the fugitives.

Mr. Roosevelt, unseen, stole ashore and upon the camp. When near enough he cried, with his weapon pointed, "Hands up, or I will shoot!" The only man about the place was asleep, so it chanced, and, thus rudely awakened, he was in great alarm. He rolled over and over on the ground" in his anxiety not to be shot. He proved to be no more than a poor tool of the robbers and could hardly make himself understood in English. The thieves, two in number, made their appearance towards dark. They were in the stolen boat. Mr. Roosevelt and one of his men crept down by the river, where they sprang from their hiding as the outlaws drew near, and covered them with their guns. There was nothing for the men in the boat to do but to throw up their hands and surrender.
Nearly a week was required to take the captives to the county seat, a distance of two hundred miles. The boats stuck in the ice-jams and were almost upset. Each night a fire was built on the river bank and the two culprits were compelled to lie on opposite sides of it, while Mr. Roosevelt sat on watch until midnight and the rest of the night was divided between his two assistants.

Lived the Hardest of Lives
During his two years in the West as a ranchman Mr. Roosevelt lived the life of the hardiest plainsman. On round-ups he endured all the hardships of his men. He spent much of his time hunting, and killed specimens of all the game to be found on the plains and in the mountains. He was particularly fond of bear hunting, which requires a nerve as steady and an aim as sure as the pursuit of any game in the United States.

But Roosevelt was never a "dead shot." He always talked and wrote in a most dispassionate way about his "misses." He was called by guides a "mighty good game shot," his success being due to enacting faithfully his own description of the hunter which he wrote for his "Hunting Trips of a Ranchman":

"He [the hunter] must be persevering, watchful, hardy, and with good judgment; and a little dash and energy at the proper time often help immensely. I myself am not and never will be more than an ordinary shot; for my eyes are bad and my hand not over steady; yet I have killed every kind of game to be found on the plains.''

Hunted Big Game
Even earlier than his ranching experiences—in 1883— Mr. Roosevelt had attracted notice as a hunter of big game in the Rockies and elsewhere. Characteristically enough, small game had no attraction for him, and it is doubtful whether he ever shot a rabbit. Only when the beast had some chance against the hunter did sport appeal to him, and, naturally enough, the game that seemed most to his taste was the grizzly bear of the Rockies, that incarnation of strength, fury, and cunning.

When Mr. Roosevelt arrived in the Rocky Mountain country and announced his intention of tracking the grizzly bear, the toughs of the region declared their intention of '' doing him up.'' He was a tenderfoot. One of them went so far as to send a message to Roosevelt to the effect that if he proceeded to track the grizzlies there would be shooting. Upon receipt of the message Roosevelt inquired where this person with the propensity for shooting lived, and rode at once into his camp. The man, however, had forgotten why he wanted to shoot.

That incident put an end to any inclination to treat Roosevelt as a tenderfoot, and before the hunting campaign was ended he had won the respect of all those rough men of the West, and when the time came many of those who had been ready to "do him up" as a tenderfoot were the most eager to follow him into the jungles of Cuba.

Kills His First Buffalo
The first guide of Mr. Roosevelt in a buffalo hunt, Ferris by name, has told us about it. On a September day in 1883 the future President arrived at a lonely railroad station, with the buffalo ranges fifty miles away over a badly broken country. The guide describes Roosevelt as a "thin young man, plainly dressed."

"It meant hard work to get a buffalo at that time," says Ferris, "and whether the thin young man could stand the trip was a question, but Roosevelt was on horseback and he rode better than I did, and could stand just as much knocking about as I could.

"In the first night out, when we were twenty-five or thirty miles from a settlement, we went into camp on the open prairie, with our saddle blankets over us, our horses picketed, and the picket ropes tied about the horns of our saddles, which we used for pillows. In the middle of the night there was a rush, our pillows were swept from under our heads and our horses went tearing off over the prairie, frightened by wolves.

"Roosevelt was up and off in a minute after the horses.

"On the fourth or fifth day out, I think it was, our horses pricked up their ears, and I told Roosevelt there was a buffalo close at hand. We dismounted and advanced to a big 'washout' near, peered over its edge, and there stood a huge buffalo bull, calmly feeding and unaware of our presence.

" 'Hit Mm where that patch of red shows on his side,' said I, 'and you've got him.'

"Roosevelt was cool as a cucumber, took a careful aim, and fired. Out came the buffalo from the washout, with blood pouring from his mouth and nose. "You've got him,' I shouted, and so it proved, for the buffalo plunged a few steps and fell."

The Roosevelt Home Ranch
So much has been said of Mr. Roosevelt as a ranchman that one cannot refrain from quoting his own description of the Elkhorn Ranch and its surroundings:

"My home ranch lies on both sides of the Little Missouri, the nearest ranchman above me being about twelve, and the nearest below me about ten miles distant. The general course of the stream here is northerly, but, while flowing through my ranch, it takes a great westerly reach of some three miles, walled in, as always, between chains of steep, high bluffs, half a mile or more apart. The stream twists down through the valley in long sweeps, leaving oval wooded bottoms, first on one side and then on the other; and in an open glade among the thick growing timber stands the long, low house, of hewn logs.

''Just in front of the ranch veranda is a line of old cottonwoods that shade it during the fierce heats of summer, rendering it always cool and pleasant. But a few feet beyond these trees comes the cut-off bank of the river, through whose broad, sandy bed the shallow stream winds as if lost, except when a freshet fills it from brim to brim with foaming yellow water. The bluffs that wall in the river valley curve back in semi-circles, rising from its alluvial bottom generally as abrupt cliffs, but often as steep, grassy slopes that lead up to great level plateaus; and the line is broken every mile or two by the entrance of a coulee; or dry creek, whose head branches may be twenty miles back. Above us, where the river comes round the bend, the valley is very narrow, and the high buttes abounding rise sheer and barren, into scalped hill peaks and naked knife-blade ridges. The other buildings stand in the same open glade with the ranch house, the dense growth of cottonwoods and matted, thorny underbrush making a wall all about through which we have chopped our wagon roads and trodden out our own bridle paths. The cattle have now trampled down this brush a little, but deer still lie in it, only a couple of hundred yards from the house; and from the door sometimes in the evening one can see them peer out into the open or make their way down, timidly and cautiously, to drink at the river. The stable, sheds, and other outbuildings, with the hayricks and the pens for such cattle as we bring in during winter, are near the house; the patch of fenced garden land is on the edge of the woods; and near the middle of the glade stands the high, circular horse corral, with a snubbing-post in the center, and a wing built from one side of the gate entrance, so that the saddle band can be driven in without trouble.''
Not a Broncho Buster
When Mr. Roosevelt went into the cattle business, he started with five hundred steers, and we are told: "He worked for a part of a season as a cowboy. He had his own 'string' of horses and they were as ugly and ill-tempered as the majority of cow-horses. He was not a broncho-breaker, as he has been pictured to be, and he took no unnecessary chances in mounting or endeavoring to tame an especially ugly horse. But he did not shrink from riding his own horses when they cut up the customary capers of mustangs, and although he was sometimes thrown and on one or two occasions pretty badly bruised and hurt, he stuck to his mounts until he had mastered them."

One of the early and useful friends of Mr. Roosevelt in the Wild West was the late Colonel William F. Cody, the famous Buffalo Bill, and many a wild ride they had. Their friendship lasted to the day of Cody's death.

In his life on the ranch, Mr. Roosevelt realized all the benefits he had anticipated, and it appealed to him because "the charm of ranch life comes in its freedom, and the vigorous open-air existence it forces a man to lead."

On his own ranch he experienced the very hardest part of the work. On one occasion he was for thirty-six hours in the saddle, dismounting only to change horses or to eat.
At another time he was helping to bring a thousand head of young cattle down to his lower range. At night he and a cowboy stood guard. The cattle had been without water that day, and in their thirst they tried to break away. In the darkness Mr. Roosevelt could dimly see the shadowy outlines of the frantic herd. With whip and spurs he circled around the herd, turning back the feasts at one point just in time to wheel and keep them in at another. After an hour of violent exertion, by which time he was dripping with sweat, he and his companion finally quieted the herd.

On still another occasion he was out on the plains when a regular blizzard came. The cattle began to drift before the storm. They were frightened and maddened by the quick, sharp flashes of lightning and the stinging rain. The men darted to and fro before them and beside them, heedless of danger, checking them at each point where they threatened to break through. The thunder was terrific. Peal followed peal. Each flash of lightning Ishowed a dense ray of tossing horns and staring eyes. At last, however, when the storm was raging in fury, and when it seemed impossible to hold the herd together any longer, the corrals were reached, and by desperate efforts Mr. Roosevelt and his companions managed to turn the herds into the barns. It was such work as this that brought the future President self-reliance and hardihood and made him in later life a firm advocate of horsemanship.

 CHAPTER SIX 
RETURN TO PUBLIC LIFE
Candidate for Mayor of New York—Second Marriage— Ideal Domestic Life—Civil Service Commissioner— Police Commissioner of New York—His Unusual Methods—Resigns to Become Secretary of the Navy.
Bronzed by the outdoor life, and teeming with hard-won vitality, Mr. Roosevelt returned to New York from his ranch in 1886 on the eve of a mayoralty campaign. His return was in reality a recall, for in his absence he had been nominated by an independent Committee of One Hundred and by the Republican party as the Republican candidate for Mayor of New York against Abram S. Hewitt, who had been nominated by Tammany. Local Republicanism had concluded that one known so widely as a reformer, through his work in the Legislature, would make an excellent candidate against the Democratic choice.

But there was also in the race the noted apostle of the single tax idea, Henry George, as the candidate of the United Labor party, and a hot campaign resulted.

In accepting the nomination of the independent Committee of One Hundred, Mr. Roosevelt wrote:

"The worst evils that affect our local government arise from and are the inevitable results of the mixing up of city affairs with the party politics of the nation and of the State. The lines upon which national parties divide have no necessary connection with the business of the city. Such connection opens the way to countless schemes of public plunder and civic corruption. I earnestly deprecate all attempts to introduce any class or caste feeling into the mayoralty contest."

Nevertheless, the appeal to these very feelings was strongly made in this campaign. Something very much like a panic was created among the business classes, with the result that thousands of voters forsook party, and doubtless influenced to some extent by the high qualifications of Mr. Hewitt, east their votes for the Tammany nominee in their dread lest Henry George be elected. The result was that Mr. Hewitt was chosen and Roosevelt sustained his first defeat as a candidate for public office. He came out third in the fight, with a total of 60,435 votes, against the 90,552 for Hewitt and 68,110 for Henry George. Roosevelt and his cohorts got whatever happiness they could out of the fact that his vote—in proportion to the total number of votes cast—showed the biggest total ever before cast for a Republican mayoralty candidate in Manhattan.
His Second Marriage
Soon after the election in 1886 Mr. Roosevelt sailed for England, and there married Miss Edith Kermit Carow. The ceremony took place in the famous St. George's Church, Hanover Square, London, and the officiating clergyman was a canon of the English church who was a cousin of the bride.

Though married in London, Mrs. Roosevelt, who survives the Colonel, is an American and a New Yorker by birth. Her great-grandfather, however, Benjamin Lee, Was an Englishman who served in the British Navy during the War of the Revolution. At one time he was sentenced to be shot for disobeying orders concerning prisoners in his care. He disobeyed them because he believed the orders to be unjust and his life was saved through the intercession of a brother-officer who afterwards became William IV, the first sailor King of Great Britain. Benjamin Lee came to America after the Revolution and gained a commission as captain in the United States Navy.

Another great-grandfather of Mrs. Roosevelt fought at Bunker Hill under General Putnam. She is descended from an old family of French Huguenots who settled in New York about the time that the founder of the Roosevelt’s came from Holland.

Mr. Roosevelt and Miss Carow had known each other since childhood, she and his sister being schoolmates. Their union was a singularly fortunate and congenial one, blessed by happiness that was only ended by death. Of their marriage four sons and a daughter were born, Theodore, Jr., Kermit, Archibald, Quentin, and Ethel. Only the close friends of Colonel Roosevelt comprehended his love of family, his adoration of domestic simplicity and, indeed, what an immense part Mrs. Roosevelt played in his career. She was very often the restraining influence upon his characteristic impulsiveness.

Ideal Domestic Life
No married couple ever lived a more happy, tranquil life. Mrs. Roosevelt has been noted for her graceful mastery of every social situation and few Presidential ladies that ever adorned the White House had more success than she in cultivating and preserving all of the traditions of dignified hospitality that belonged to the mansion of Presidents.

Up to the day of his sudden and lamented death, Colonel Roosevelt never failed to pass the highest praise and the most fragrant and enduring tributes to Mrs. Roosevelt. "No woman in the history of the world," said a recent writer, "had so many opportunities to enjoy the limelight of public applause and yet, with modesty, refrained. In Mrs. Roosevelt we see the devoted, loving wife and mother who illuminates in her graceful modesty the highest type of genuine womanhood."

Ignored by the Bosses
On his return to America, some months after his marriage, Mr. Roosevelt took up his literary work and resumed his political connections in New York. But the bosses, having learned to know him, and to know that he could not be "used," gave him no chance to get into a position where he could make trouble for them. They did their little best to ignore him.

Still owning the Elkhorn Ranch in North Dakota, Mr. Roosevelt passed most of his vacations on the great plains for several years more, though his active ranching days were done. The family life claimed him, but his opportunities for public service were at hand.

In the Presidential campaign of 1888 he went on the stump for Benjamin Harrison. When Harrison was elected he tendered his services to the new administration, and hoped to be appointed Assistant Secretary of State. But James G. Blaine was the new Secretary of State, and he had reason to remember his young New York opponent in the Chicago convention of 1884. Mr. Roosevelt therefore was not appointed to the State Department. His destiny was already at work.
Civil Service Commissioner
In May, 1889, President Harrison remembered Roosevelt’s fight in the New York State Assembly for Civil Service reform, and appointed him a United States Civil Service Commissioner. Immediately he jumped into a programme of Civil Service uplift that met with instant opposition from Congressmen, largely from the South and Southwest, who saw their patronage privileges going by the board if the Roosevelt programme was effected.

There upon Commissioner Roosevelt executed what was considered a brilliant coup; he instituted the practice of having the examinations for positions in Washington held in different states; and straightway many a Congressman who knew by this plan pet constituents would have to take examinations under the eyes of men who often were not of the same political faith, became converted on the spot to the beauties of civil service.

For six years his constant warfare with the spoilsmen kept up an unending commotion among the politicians. He thought nothing of antagonizing even the greatest leaders in the Senate.

When he became president of the Civil Service Commission 14,000 Government offices were under Civil Service rules; when he left, in 1895, to run the New York police, 40,000 offices were under Civil Service rules, and the increase was due chiefly to his energy and persistence. He served throughout Harrison's administration, and was retained in office by President Cleveland, whom he had helped, ten years before, to establish the Civil Service on a firmer basis in New York State.

His six years spent at Washington as Civil Service Commissioner proved a splendid training for Roosevelt in a wider field than he had hitherto entered. He had won the friendship and regard of public men from all parts of the country; even those who were not in entire sympathy with the reforms which he represented recognized his sincerity, fairness, and energy.

Mr. Roosevelt's attitude toward Civil Service and the urgent need of it is succinctly set forth in the opening of one of his essays on that subject. "No question of internal administration," he declared, "is so important to the United States as the question of Civil Service reform, because the spoils system, which can be supplanted only through the agencies which have found expression in the act creating the Civil Service Commission has been for seventy years the most potent of all the forces tending to bring about the degradation of our politics. No republic can permanently endure when its politics are corrupt and base; and the spoils system, the application in political life of the degrading doctrine that to the victor belong the spoils, produces corruption and degradation. The man who is in politics for the offices might just as well be in politics for the money he can get for his vote, so far as the general good is concerned. The worst enemies of the republic are the demagogue and the corruptionist. The spoils-monger and the spoils-seeker invariably breed the bribe-taker and the bribe-giver, the embezzler of public funds, and the corrupter of voters. Civil Service reform is not merely a movement to better public service. It achieves this end too; but its main purpose is to raise the tone of public life, and it is in this direction that its effects have been of incalculable good to the whole community."

Police Commissioner of New York
( Mr. Roosevelt resigned as Civil Service Commissioner May 5, 1895, and on May 24 accepted the appointment of Police Commissioner of New York City, tendered him by Mayor Strong. His associates on the board were Andrew D. Parker, Frederick D. Grant, and Avery D. Andrews. Mr. Roosevelt was chosen president of the board, and from the first stamped his personality on the department.

The election of Mayor Strong had been caused by the Lexow exposures of police corruption in New York, and the new Mayor realized that the problem of police management would be the crucial one of his administration. He had therefore urged Mr. Roosevelt to take charge of it, and the successful Civil Service Commissioner resigned for that express purpose.

The new board found the force in a thoroughly demoralized and disorganized condition. Its first effort was to bring order out of chaos by enforcing discipline and substituting dismissals for the absurdly light penalties heretofore imposed for insubordination and infraction of the police regulations. In twenty months there were 169 dismissals, as compared with 76 in the four years preceding.

A storm immediately burst about Mr. Roosevelt's head, almost as great as that which he encountered in reforming the Civil Service. He entered vigorously upon the reorganization of the police force, and demanded the rigid enforcement of all laws and ordinances. He was warned by cautious friends that other commissioners had tried the same thing and had failed; that the force was so honeycombed with petty jealousies and favoritism and blackmail that the board could never ascertain the truth about what the men were doing. Roosevelt, though he knew he had a Gibraltar of corruption to fight, smiled and said: "Well, we will see about that," and see about it he did literally, for he personally sought the patrolmen on their beats at unexpected hours of the night, interviewed them as to their duties and whenever one was found derelict he was promptly reprimanded or dismissed. The plan had a sudden and wholesome effect, for no roundsman, no sergeant or police captain knew at what hour the Commissioner might turn up and catch him napping.

His Unusual Methods
The young Police Commissioner's unbounded genius for the unusual immediately began to function. By strolling Manhattan streets late into the night he got evidence at first hand. He antagonized Jimmy Wakely, then an all-powerful prize fight backer and saloon-keeper, who had been led to believe the excise laws did not apply to the Wakely "place of business." He made police station speeches to astonished bluecoats, who for the first time heard a superior tell them that merit, not Tammany pull, would result in promotion.

He had taken the job on the condition that he would have free rein, and thereupon he drove headlong into the work. As president of the board he started in to practice what he preached, but the old Gibraltar reared a new pinnacle in the form of local laws, which said that the power of substantial reward was vested in the chief of police, not in the Police Board.

Tom Byrnes, famed as a detective throughout the land, was the chief of police. When Roosevelt went into the Police Board and insisted on enforcing the excise laws literally, Chief Byrnes said: "It will break him. He will have to yield in time. He is only human." With the idea of beginning the reform at the top Roosevelt convinced his board colleagues that the "great" Tom Byrnes should go, and a whole city started at the audacity of the idea. But into the Police Board rooms the mighty detective was summoned for an explosive interview. Ten minutes after the dust had settled Tom Byrnes, the mighty, had sent in his resignation.

Peter Conlin, acting chief, was promoted to Byrnes' job, the Commission figuring that Conlin, supposedly a weak man, would take orders and carry them out. But, unknown to Commissioner Roosevelt, Commissioner Parker did not side altogether with the Roosevelt views of police management, and Parker had great influence over Chief Conlin.

Reform Plans Smashed
For a year Conlin did Roosevelt's bidding. Then the chief grew headstrong to the point where Roosevelt found himself unable to reward policemen as he had promised or to punish where he had threatened. He faced about and began to fight from a new angle; he tried to get remedial legislation passed that would solve his police difficulties. He failed, and his reorganization work as planned went to smash.

Policemen were growing rich, he knew, by protecting saloon-keepers that steadily broke the Sunday excise law. Out came the Roosevelt dictum—despite protests from his friends that he was threatening the future success of his own entire career—that every saloon in Manhattan must obey the statute, which said saloons must close from Saturday night to Monday.

Shrieks of anguish arose the length and breadth of the island. Roosevelt's local popularity got a temporary setback. Chief Conlin seized the chance to be "with the crowd" and defied his Commissioner. The sum total of the whole excise crusade demonstrated that there were many honest policemen who would go straight if encouraged; that there were Police Commissioners who dared do their duty; that traces of a rise in the morale of the whole force were noticeable, and that—according to the Roosevelt figures—Sunday drinking had been cut down "40 per cent," while the wave lasted.

Scoffing Became Cheers
At the height of Commissioner Roosevelt's unpopularity a monster parade was organized to show New York's disgust with his policy. It paraded with such signs as "Send the Police Czar to Russia." A perfunctory invitation, or, perhaps, a sarcastic one, had been sent to him, and to everybody's astonishment he arrived early and took his seat on the reviewing stand.

Among the foremost of the paraders was a German, who looked back with pride on the great host behind him. Waving his hand, he shouted in a stentorian voice:

"Nun, wo ist der Roosevelt?" ("Where is Roosevelt now?")
A beaming face, with a bulldog grin, looked down from the stand.

" Hier bin ich. Was wilst du, Kamerad ? " (" Here I am. What do you want, comrade?")

The German stopped, paralyzed with astonishment. Then an answering grin overspread his own face.

"Hurrah for Roosevelt!" he shouted. His followers took up the cry, and those who came to scoff remained to cheer.

Under Commissioner Roosevelt a system of rewards for bravery and meritorious conduct was inaugurated, which had a salutary effect on the morale of the police force. He abolished the annual police parade, declaring "We'll parade when we need not be afraid to show ourselves. ''
It is, however, with the enforcement of the excise law that the name of Commissioner Roosevelt was always most closely associated. When he went into office it was almost a truism that the excise law could not be enforced in New York City. The Roosevelt board made up their minds to enforce it, with the result that for the first time in its history the excise law was thoroughly and honestly administered.

Of Roosevelt's time in the Police Department, Jacob Riis significantly says, "A much larger percentage of policemen than many imagine look back to that time as the golden age of the department, when every man had a show on his merits, and many of their votes are quietly cast on election day for the things 'Teddy' stands for."
His Attitude Toward Labor
With regard to Mr. Roosevelt's attitude toward labor when Police Commissioner, Mr. Riis says:

"I had watched police administration in Mulberry Street for nearly twenty years, and I had seen many sparring matches between workingmen and the Police Board. Generally, there was bad faith on one side; not infrequently on both. It was human that some of the labor men should misinterpret Mr. Roosevelt's motives when, as President of the Board, he sent word that he wanted to meet them and talk strike troubles over with them. They got it into their heads, I suppose, that he had come to crawl; but they were speedily undeceived. I can see his face now, as he checked the first one who hinted at trouble. I fancy that man can see it, too—in his dreams.

" 'Gentlemen,' said Mr. Roosevelt, 'I have come to get your point of view, and see if we can't agree to help each other out. But we want to make it clear to ourselves at the start that the greatest damage any working-man can do to his cause is to counsel violence. Order must be maintained; and make no mistake, I will maintain it.' "

The men cheered him. There was perfect confidence on both sides. Roosevelt said, "We understand each other, and will get along."

But the Gibraltar of corruption was too strong in those days even for a Roosevelt. He resigned from the department on April 17, 1897, to accept an appointment from the McKinley administration as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Here was a job to his liking.

 CHAPTER SEVEN
 HIS WORK FOR THE NAVY
Assistant Secretary of the Navy Department—His Record as a Naval Author—Cutting Red Tape— Foresaw War with Spain—His Preparedness Order to Dewey—Improved American Gunnery.
Theodore Roosevelt had always been interested in the United States Navy, with the interest of a patriotic citizen born on the seaboard and of a far-seeing young man of affairs. That laudable interest, which he possessed in full measure when he went to Washington in March, 1897, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, he retained throughout his subsequent career, and it was strongly demonstrated in the public utterances of the closing years of his life, when his beloved country was at war and the Navy emerged triumphant from the test.

Mr. Roosevelt's interest in naval affairs was at first that of an author and historian. In his college days at Harvard he had written some chapters of his "Naval History of the War of 1812," which was published in 1882, two years after his graduation, when he was twenty-four years old. The subject attracted him because he believed that the existing histories, read by the American people, were one-sided in their treatment of the facts.

His naval history was so impartial and so successful that the critics of the greatest authority commended him, declaring that "the impartiality of the author's judgment and the thoroughness with which the evidence is sifted are remarkable and worthy of high praise." As a result, when an English publisher was preparing a history of the British Navy, Mr. Roosevelt was asked to write the history of its exploits in the War of 1812. Thus he made himself an authority on naval affairs at an age when most young men are authorities only on sports, if on anything at all.

It was therefore with alacrity, if not eagerness, that Mr. Roosevelt accepted the appointment to the Navy Department. He felt that it was urgently necessary to strengthen the naval arm as a means of national defense, and he welcomed the opportunity to take part in its upbuilding.

Cutting Red Tape
He had not been long at Washington before he discovered that many evils had grown up that would seriously handicap the department if suddenly brought face to face with the problem of preparing for war. He at once set under way a general overhauling of the various bureaus^ cutting red tape in every direction. The list of merchant vessels that could be drafted for an auxiliary navy was incomplete and faulty, and he undertook to revise it. He framed an important personnel bill. He started the navy on a course of real gunnery so as to improve marksmanship. He distributed ships and supplies where they would be of most help and use if a storm burst, particularly remembering to place ships in Pacific waters, where they might loaf expectantly in the general neighborhood of the Philippines.

Scarcely had he got his feet under a Navy Department desk when he asked for—and got—$800,000 for powder and shell for the navy. A few months later he wanted $500,000 more. The representatives of the people asked him, aghast, what had become of the ammunition purchased with the $800,000 handed to his department.

'' Great heavens!" he cried, equally aghast at the question. '' What do you suppose we did with it ? We fired it. And this new half-million dollars' worth of ammunition will all be exploded thirty days after we get it. What else do you want to know, gentlemen?"

Foresaw War With Spain
From the start he scented distant, and not so very distant, trouble with Spain. With all the thunder he used a score of years later while booming for preparedness for the greatest of all wars, Assistant Secretary of the Navy Roosevelt, back in 1897, thundered for naval preparedness for a Spanish war which he believed inevitable. He gave all the vigor of his being to the repair and general overhauling of what ships we then owned. With the utmost ardor he began to assemble ammunition, supplies of all kinds.

For command of the Asiatic fleet certain politicians were pushing an officer of the respectable, commonplace type. Roosevelt determined to get the appointment for Commodore Dewey, who was that officer's junior and who had no political backing, but whose career Roosevelt had been watching. He enlisted the services of Senator Bed-field Proctor, whom he knew to be close to the President, checkmated the politicians and secured the appointment which resulted in so much glory for the American Navy.

When at last the Spanish War actually came in 1898, Roosevelt's tireless energy supplemented the work of Secretary Long in an invaluable manner. Upon him devolved the duty of organizing and refitting the auxiliaries and purchasing colliers. His quick decision and prompt action in many matters of importance had an important bearing on the subsequent naval successes of Manila Bay and Santiago. It was he who urged successfully that Admiral Dewey be retained in command of the Asiatic station when it was proposed to supplant him, and one of his last official acts was to write the famous dispatch which sent Dewey to Manila.

When the last of the Spanish War smoke had settled, and the experts began to check things up, it was generally admitted that much of the navy's success had been due to gunners who had gained their expertness while firing Roosevelt's real ammunition in preparation for the scrimmage. The shooting was not good in that war, but had it not been for Mr. Roosevelt's ideas, it would have been atrocious.

As it was, we proved to be better marksmen than the Spaniards, but Mr. Roosevelt was not satisfied. He wrote later in his autobiography: "I grew uneasy when I studied the small portion of hits to shots made by our vessels in battle. When I was President I took up the matter and speedily became convinced that we needed to revolutionize our whole training in marksmanship.''

He did revolutionize it and made the United States fleet, gun for gun, at least three times as effective in point of fighting efficiency in 1908 as it was in 1902.
Ordered Dewey to Prepare
In the records of the Navy Department, Theodore Roosevelt has left many memorials, but none more striking than an order cabled to Admiral Dewey on February 25, 1898, nearly two months before war was declared on Spain, in which the first step toward American occupation of the Philippine Islands was taken.
Mr. Roosevelt, as Assistant Secretary, issued the order without the knowledge or approval of Secretary Long, and in his autobiography he described this as one of the times when he seized opportunities presented by the absence of the Secretary to take steps toward preparation for war which he regarded as vital.

Mr. Roosevelt had repeatedly urged that prompt action be taken to make ready for war. He believed Admiral, then Commodore Dewey, commanding the Asiatic fleet, should be given advance instructions. No instructions were sent to Dewey, however, and when Mr. Long departed from Washington on February 25, leaving Roosevelt as Acting Secretary, this order in Roosevelt's name went over the cables:

"Dewey, Hongkong:—Secret and confidential. Order the squadron, except Monocacy, to Hongkong. Keep full of coal. In event of declaration of war on Spain your duty will be to see that Spanish squadron does not leave Asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine Islands. Keep Olympia (Dewey's flagship at Manila Bay, previously ordered home) until further orders.

(Signed) ROOSEVELT."

In discussing this and similar steps he took, Mr. Roosevelt told, in his account of his own life, of what he regarded as the greatest weakness of the navy at that time, its poor gunnery. He recalled many letters written on this subject by the American naval attach^ at Paris, then Lieutenant, now Vice-Admiral Sims, and declared that this young officer alone seemed to realize fully the deplorable state of the navy in this regard on the eve of war.

Improved American Gunnery
Subsequently, as President, Mr. Roosevelt singled out Sims and placed him at the head of naval gunnery, which resulted in development of the present nigh standards of marksmanship in the United States Navy.

Mr. Roosevelt then coined the phrase that "only holes mean hits, and the shots that hit are the shots that count.''

The keen study given to naval matters by Mr. Roosevelt while Assistant Secretary was shown later in his first message as President to Congress, which included more than one hundred specific recommendations as to the navy. Throughout the time he was President, Mr. Roosevelt showed the keenest interest in the development of the navy. Finally he sent the Atlantic fleet, under Rear Admiral (Fighting Bob) Evans, on its memorable cruise around the world, the first and last voyage of its kind ever undertaken by any battle fleet.

The Navy Our Peacemaker
Mr. Roosevelt's more recent views on the navy were expressed in his volume on "America and the World War," published in 1915 (Charles Scribner's Sons), in which he said:

"Until an efficient world league for peace is in more than mere process of formation the United States must depend upon itself for protection where its vital interests are concerned. All the youth of the nation should be trained in warlike exercises and in the use of arms—as well as in the indispensable virtues of courage, self-restraint, and endurance—so as to be fit for national defense. But the right arm of the nation must be its navy. Our navy is our most efficient peacemaker. In order to use the navy effectively we should clearly define to ourselves the policy we intend to follow and the limits over which we expect our power to extend. Our own coasts, Alaska, Hawaii, and the Panama Canal and its approaches should represent the sphere in which we should expect to be able, single-handed, to meet and master any opponent from overseas.

The Philippine Question
"I exclude the Philippines. This is because I feel that the present administration has definitely committed us to a course of action which will make the early and complete severance of the Philippines from us not merely desirable but necessary. I have never felt that the Philippines were of any special use to us. But I have felt that we had a great task to perform there, and that a great nation is benefited by performing a great task. It was our bounden duty to work primarily for the interests of the Filipinos; but it was also our bounden duty, inasmuch as the entire responsibility lay upon us, to consult our own judgment and not theirs in finally deciding what was to be done. It was our duty to govern the islands or to get out of the islands. It was most certainly not our duty to take the responsibility of staying in the islands without governing them. Still less was it—or is it—our duty to enter into joint arrangements with other powers about the islands; arrangements of confused responsibility and divided power of the kind are sure to cause mischief. I had hoped that we would continue to govern the islands until we were certain that they were able to govern themselves in such fashion as to do justice to other nations and to repel injustice committed on them by other nations. To substitute for such government by ourselves either a government by the Filipinos with us guaranteeing them against outsiders, or a joint guarantee between us and outsiders, would be folly.

"It is eminently desirable to guarantee the neutrality of small civilized nations which have a high social and cultural status and which are so advanced that they do not fall into disorder or commit wrong-doing on others. But it is eminently undesirable to guarantee the neutrality or sovereignty of an inherently weak nation which is impotent to preserve order at home, to repel assaults from abroad, or to refrain from doing wrong to outsiders. It is even more undesirable to give such a guarantee with no intention of making it really effective. That this is precisely what the present administration would be delighted to do has been shown by its refusal to live up to its Hague promises at the very time that it was making similar new international promises by the batch. To enter into a joint guarantee of neutrality which in emergencies can only be rendered effective by force of arms, is to incur a serious responsibility which ought to be undertaken in a serious spirit. To enter into it with no intention of using force, or of preparing force, in order at need to make it effective, represents the kind of silliness which is worse than wickedness.

Should Keep Our Promises
"Above all, we should keep our promises. The present administration was elected on the outright pledge of giving the Filipinos independence. Apparently its course in the Philippines has proceeded upon the theory that the Filipinos are now fit to govern themselves. Whatever may be our personal and individual beliefs in this matter, we ought not as a nation to break faith or even to seem to break faith. I hope therefore that the Filipinos will be given their independence at an early date, and without any guarantee from us which might in any way hamper our future action or commit us to staying on the Asiatic coast. I do not believe we should keep any foothold whatever in the Philippines. Any kind of position by us in the Philippines merely results in making them our heel of Achilles if we are attacked by a foreign power. They can be of no compensating benefit to us. If we were to retain complete control over them and to continue the course of action which in the past sixteen years has resulted in such immeasurable benefit for them, then I should feel that it was our duty to stay and work for them in spite of the expense incurred by us and the risk we thereby ran. But inasmuch as we have now promised to leave them and as we are now abandoning our power to work efficiently for and in them, I do not feel that we are warranted in staying in the islands in an equivocal position, thereby incurring great risk to ourselves without conferring any real compensating advantage, of a kind which we are bound to take into account, on the Filipinos themselves. If the Filipinos are entitled to independence, then we are entitled to be freed from all the responsibility and risk which our presence in the islands entails upon us.

"The great nations of southernmost South America, Brazil, the Argentine, and Chile, are now so far advanced in stability and power that there is no longer any need of applying the Monroe Doctrine as far as they are concerned ; and this also relieves us as regards Uruguay and Paraguay, the former of which is well advanced and neither of which has any interests with which we need particularly concern ourselves. As regards all these powers, therefore, we now have no duty save that doubtless if they got into difficulties and desired our aid we would gladly extend it, just as, for instance, we would to Australia and Canada. But we can now proceed on the assumption that they are able to help themselves and that any help we should be required to give would be given by us as an auxiliary rather than as a principal.
The Naval Problem
"Our naval problem, therefore, is primarily to provide for the protection and policing of Hawaii, Alaska, and the Panama Canal and its approaches. This offers a definite problem which should be solved by our naval men. It is for them, having in view the lessons taught by this war, to say what is the exact type of fleet we require, the number and kind of submarines, of destroyers, of mines, and of airships to be used against hostile fleets, in addition to the cruisers and great fighting craft which must remain the backbone of the navy. Civilians may be competent to pass on the merits of the plans suggested by the naval men, but it is the naval men themselves who must make and submit the plans in detail. Lay opinion, however, should keep certain elementary facts steadily in mind.

'' The navy must primarily be used for offensive purposes. Forts, not the navy, are to be used for defense. The only permanently efficient type of defensive is the offensive. A portion, and a very important portion, of our naval strength must be used with our own coast ordinarily as a base, its striking radius being only a few score miles, or a couple of hundred at the outside. The events of this war have shown that submarines can play a tremendous part. We should develop our force of submarines and train the officers and crews who have charge of them to the highest pitch of efficiency—for they will be useless in time of war unless those aboard them have been trained in time of peace. These submarines, when used in connection with destroyers and with airships, can undoubtedly serve to minimize the danger of successful attack on our own shores. But the prime lesson of the war, as regards the navy, is that the nation with a powerful seagoing navy, although it may suffer much annoyance and loss, yet is able on the whole to take the offensive and do great damage to a nation with a less powerful navy. Great Britain's naval superiority over Germany has enabled her completely to paralyze all Germany's sea commerce and to prevent goods from entering her ports. What is far more important, it has enabled the British to land hundreds of thousands of men to aid the French, and has enabled Canada and Australia to send a half-million men from the opposite ends of the earth to Great Britain. If Germany had had the more powerful navy, Great Brit-lain would now have suffered the fate of Belgium. * * *

The Experience of 1898
"It has been said that the United States never learns by experience but only by disaster. Such method of education may at times prove costly. The slothful or shortsighted citizens who are now misled by the cries of the ultra-pacifists would do well to remember events connected with the outbreak of the war with Spain. I was then Assistant Secretary of the Navy. At one bound our people passed from a condition of smug confidence that war never could occur (a smug confidence just as great as any we feel at present) to a condition of utterly unreasoning panic over what might be done to us by a very weak antagonist.

"One Governor of a seaboard State announced that none of the National Guard regiments would be allowed to respond to the call of the President, because they would be needed to prevent a Spanish invasion of that State—the Spaniards being about as likely to make such an invasion as we were to invade Timbuctoo or Turkestan. One Congressman besought me to send a battleship to protect Jekyll Island, off the coast of Georgia.
Another Congressman asked me to send a battleship to protect a summer colony which centered around a large Atlantic-coast hotel in Connecticut. In my own neighborhood on Long Island, clauses were gravely inserted into the leases of property to the effect that if the Spaniards destroyed the property the leases should terminate. Chambers of commerce, boards of trade, municipal authorities, leading business men, from one end of the country to the other, hysterically demanded, each of them, that a ship should be stationed to defend some particular locality; the theory being that our navy should be strung along both seacoasts, each ship by itself, in a purely defensive attitude—thereby making certain that even the Spanish navy could pick them all up in detail.

'' One railway president came to protest to me against the choice of Tampa as a point of embarkation for our troops, on the ground that his railway was entitled to its share of the profit of transporting troops and munitions of war, and that his railway went to New Orleans. The very Senators and Congressmen who had done everything in their power to prevent the building up and the efficient training of the navy screamed and shrieked loudest to have the navy diverted from its proper purpose and used to protect unimportant seaports. Surely our Congressmen and, above all, our people, need to learn that in time of crisis peace treaties are worthless, and the ultra-pacifists of both sexes merely a burden on and a detriment to the country as a whole; that the only permanently useful defensive is the offensive, and that the navy is properly the offensive weapon of the nation.

"The navy of the United States is the right arm of the United States and is emphatically the peacemaker. Woe to our country if we permit that right arm to become palsied or even to become flabby and inefficient!"

 CHAPTER EIGHT
 THE ROUGH RIDERS
Destruction of the "Maine"—Roosevelt Resigns from the Navy Department—Organizes the Rough Riders-Leonard Wood as Colonel—Record of the Regiment— Las Guasimas and San Juan Hill—Praise from General Wheeler—The Famous "Round Robin"—Return to the United States.
As early as June, 1897, Mr. Roosevelt, addressing the naval cadets at Annapolis, repeated Washington's warning: "To be prepared for war is the most effectual means to promote peace," and with great emphasis he uttered these words: "All the great masterful races have been fighting races. Cowardice in a race, as in an individual, is the unpardonable sin."

Also about that time, a year before our clash of arms with Spain, he said: '' The enemies we may have to face will come from over the sea; they may come from Europe, or they may come from Asia. Events move fast in the West; but this generation has been forced to see that they move even faster in the oldest East. Our interests are as great in the Pacific as in the Atlantic, in the Hawaiian Islands as in the West Indies. Merely for the protection of our own shores we need a great navy; and what is more, we need it to protect our interests in the islands from which it is possible to command our shores, and to protect our commerce on the high seas."
On the night of February 15, 1898, the United States battleship Maine was treacherously destroyed with heavy loss of life, in the harbor of Havana, Cuba, while on a visit of courtesy to that "friendly" port. Captain Sigs-bee, of the sunken craft, appealed to the American people for the suspension of their judgment until an official investigation had determined the exact cause. But the case against the Spanish oppressors of Cuba had already been tried by American common sense and they were promptly deemed guilty of the fresh crime.

It meant war—the inevitable war, foreseen by Theodore Roosevelt in the Navy Department. Thanks to his foresight and persistence in preparation, the fleet was ready. When on April 25, after a period of delay due to unpreparedness of other departments of the service, Congress declared war against Spain, Theodore Roosevelt obeyed the impulse that started him toward a place among the immortals of American history. He resigned his post as Assistant Secretary of the Navy to seek more active service in the war. The Secretary of the Navy, John D. Long, urged him to withhold his resignation and remain in the department where he was doing such valuable service; but he had determined his course of duty, and proceeded to follow it.

The routine work of a department even in war time, did not suit Mr. Roosevelt, and he determined to forsake the desk for the field. "There is nothing more for me to do here in Washington," he told the friends who expostulated with him. "I've got to go into the fight myself."

At first he applied for a position on the staff of General Fitzhugh Lee, the famous Southerner who had been detailed for service in Cuba. When he found out that he could not obtain that, he turned his attention to a project that had long been a favorite with him. This project was the recruiting of a regiment of trained horsemen, including cowboys of the Western plains, polo players and fox-hunters of the East, men who could "ride well and shoot straight" from every class and section of the country. The plan was approved by the War Department and thereupon the Roosevelt Rough Riders  came into being.

The Rush of Recruits
Mr. Roosevelt threw himself enthusiastically into the work of organization. His name acted as a talisman in securing the right material, and the ranks of the regiment were soon filled. The scene of mobilization was San Antonio, Texas, and never was a regiment raised with greater ease or more enthusiasm.

From all the West and all the East the Rough Riders  came—"guns barking, cayuses bucking ecstatically. Into San Anton' poured football halfbacks, college baseball stars, daredevils all the way from cattle mining towns in Montana to Sixth Avenue in New York; cow punchers who had 'dropped their man' for good in the Bad Lands, clubmen, seafarers, explorers, crack shots—adventurers all and splendid young Americans."

Their mobilization had all the thrilling effect on the imagination of a country going to war against Spain that was lacking in the machinelike mobilization of the same nation going to war with Germany twenty years later.
Leonard Wood Appointed Colonel
Very wisely and with characteristic good judgment Theodore Roosevelt chose a secondary command, that of Lieutenant-Colonel, in the regiment he had raised. His influence secured the appointment as Colonel for his friend, Leonard Wood, one of the best soldiers in the service of the country—in those days forced to stand idly on the side lines as a mere physician to the White House, just as the same Leonard Wood was compelled to stand to one side during the bigger conflict that came twenty years later.

Leonard Wood had the advantage of Roosevelt in that he had seen real fighting (which was rewarded with the treasured Congressional Medal of Honor) against the Apaches both as a medical and a line officer. He had also made a recent personal survey of the military situation and conditions in Cuba.
The Rough Riders' Record
When mobilization was completed and the Rough Riders  had been partially equipped, the regiment was transferred from San Antonio to Tampa, Florida, to await orders. Roosevelt and Wood were eager for active service, and when Admiral Cervera's Spanish fleet locked itself in Santiago harbor, Roosevelt became convinced that the first land fighting was to take place at that point. He thereupon secured the attachment of his regiment to General Shafter's command, and when the latter was transferred to Cuban soil it was Roosevelt's prompt action that secured for his men the most coveted passage on army transports, when other less fortunate regiments were compelled to remain behind until all the fighting was over. Several troops of the Rough Riders , with all their horses, were also left behind.

Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt's conviction proved right. In the first conflict with the Spanish, at Las Guasimas, near Santiago (June 24, 1898), the Rough Riders  saw severe fighting and conducted themselves well. Before another engagement Colonel Wood was promoted to Brigadier-General, and Colonel Roosevelt became commander of the regiment.

The Rough Riders took part in the assault on Santiago (July 1), Roosevelt displaying great bravery and leading his men in person. Before the fighting was over, the death or wounding of the other commanding officers left him the ranking officer of the brigade. The regiment was under fire all the next day and night, but maintained the position on San Juan hill which it had won. The Rough Riders  then lay in the trenches before the city until its surrender, Roosevelt being in command of the Second Brigade of the Cavalry Division, from the middle of July.

Discipline and Fighting Ability
Tales came back of a lack of formal discipline in the wild band under Colonel Roosevelt (now become "The Colonel" for all time), but never was there a tale indicating a lack of rough-and-tumble fighting ability.

A lack of knowledge that at least a "sir" should be strung along the conversation occasionally when addressing one's Colonel, did not seem to impede the rapidity of progress of the Rough Riders  once they had got within sight of the battle smoke in Cuba; nor did it prevent them from giving a good account of themselves at Las Guasimas and around Santiago.

Tales also sprang up, and still persist, that the Rough Riders  blundered into a Spanish ambush, at Kettle Hill, and that only the opportune backing of the brave blacks of the Tenth Cavalry saved the Rough Riders  from being smashed to smithereens; but all wars have inaccurate traditions; and there was never a doubt as to the excellent record of the regiment the Colonel put into that war.
Nicknames in the Regiment
In Ms book, "The Rough Riders," Colonel Roosevelt has given us an intimate glimpse of some of the characters in the regiment, as follows:

"The men generally gave one another nicknames, largely conferred in a spirit of derision, their basis lying in contrast. A brave but fastidious member of an Eastern club, who was serving in the ranks, was christened * Tough Ike'; and his bunkie, the man who shared his shelter-tent, and who was a decidedly rough cow-puncher, gradually acquired the name of 'The Dude.' One unlucky and simple-minded range-rider, who had never been east of the great plains in his life, unwarily boasted that he had an aunt in New York, and ever afterward he went by the name of ' Metropolitan Bill.' A huge redheaded Irishman was named ' Sheeny Solomon.' A young Jew who developed into one of the best fighters in the regiment accepted with entire equanimity the name of 'Pork-chop.' We had quite a number of professional gamblers who, I am bound to say, usually made good soldiers. One who was almost abnormally quiet and gentle was called 'Hell-roarer'; while another who, in point of language and deportment, was his exact antithesis, was known as 'Prayerful James.' "
The Famous "Round Robin"
When the Rough Riders went into camp in the hills about El Oaney, after the capture of the city of Santiago, it was the season of rains and the men suffered a good deal from exposure, while the food supplies were far from satisfactory. Then occurred the incident of the famous "round robin," or joint letter, addressed to General Shafter,
The officers and men who had undergone the hardships of the campaign were anxious to return north to recuperate, now that the fighting was over for the time being. The damp summer season with its malaria and yellow fever was affecting the health of the regiment, and casualties were unavoidable so long as it remained in Cuba. The men did not complain when there was fighting to be done, but they objected to being sacrificed to no good purpose. On August 4 all the general officers of General Shafter's command therefore united in a letter of protest asking that the troops be moved north, and declaring that "this army must be moved at once or perish.''

The letter was written by Colonel Roosevelt, and was signed by Generals Chaffee, Bates, Sumner, Kent, Ames, and Wood. Following its receipt, General Shafter concurred in its decision and officially transmitted to Washington a request for the removal of the troops. At the same time the letter was made public, and public clamor was added to the official recommendation. There was a tendency in some quarters to criticize the method adopted by the signers as unmilitary and subversive of good discipline. War Secretary Alger declared that "it would be impossible to exaggerate the mischievous and wicked effects" of it. But the end sought was accomplished, and within three days the entire command was ordered north. Colonel Roosevelt and his Rough Riders were ordered to Camp Wyekoff (afterwards Camp Wheeler) at Montauk Point, N. Y., where they arrived on August 15, 1898.

The official reports show that the casualties in Colonel Roosevelt's regiment in Cuba were both more numerous and more severe than those of any of the regular regiments engaged. The Rough Riders lost more officers than any other regiment; they had more men killed, more men wounded, and fewer missing. They nobly sustained the honor and traditions of the American volunteer soldier, though there was "glory enough for all."

Praised by General Wheeler
General Joseph Wheeler (the beloved "Joe" Wheeler of the South) was in command of the Cavalry Division to which the Rough Riders (dismounted) were attached in Cuba. He sailed from Port Tampa with them and after the war he wrote of the campaign (and Colonel Roosevelt's share therein) as follows:

"On June 20, 1898, we reached Daiquiri, Cuba. On the morning of the 22nd the navy, with steam and naphtha launches towing large strings of boats, commenced landing our troops. General Shafter put Lawton's division and Bates' brigade before us. We felt this keenly, and knowing that the purpose was to get ashore promptly, we commenced landing with our own ship's boats, rowed by our men. Roosevelt's energy and push helped very much in this effort, and before night we had landed 964 officers and men of the Cavalry Division.

"On the 22nd General Lawton was ordered with his division, about five thousand strong, to march upon and capture the enemy at Siboney, so that the remainder of the troops and supplies could be landed at that place, which is nine miles nearer Santiago than Daiquiri.

"Lawton reached Siboney on the 23rd, but found that the enemy had already evacuated that place and had taken the road toward Santiago. At noon on the 23rd General Shafter had not heard from Lawton, and he ordered the commander of the Cavalry Division (General Wheeler), with the 964 men of his command, to proceed to Siboney and put his advance close to the enemy.
"The division commander ordered Young, Wood, and Roosevelt forward and hastened on in person, and finally found the enemy stationed on the Santiago road between two and three miles from Siboney. He reconnoitered the Spanish position and after dark returned to Siboney. Before daylight these 964 dismounted cavalrymen were on the march, and a little after seven they attacked, and after a severe fight defeated a large Spanish force under Lieutenant-General Linares.

"This was Roosevelt's first experience under fire, and his superb conduct immediately established him as a brave and intrepid soldier. The official report of the division commander said: 'The magnificent and brave work done by the regiment, under the lead of Colonel Wood, testifies to his courage and skill. The energy and determination of this officer had been marked from the moment he reported to me at Tampa, Florida, and I recommended him for the consideration of the Government. I must rely upon his report to do justice to his officers and men, but I desire personally to add that all that I have said regarding Colonel Wood applies equally to Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt.'

"On July 1, on account of the sickness of General Young, his brigade fell under the command of Colonel Wood, and the Rough Riders ' regiment was commanded by Colonel Roosevelt during the San Juan battle and in all the engagements which terminated in the surrender of the Spanish army.

"My endorsement upon Colonel Roosevelt's report contained these words: ' Colonel Roosevelt and his entire command deserve high commendation.' I also recommended and requested that a gold medal be awarded him for his gallantry at San Juan.
'' The conduct of Colonel Roosevelt was brave and soldierly. He was always at the front, always active, always caring for his men, and always solicitous in attending to his duty.

"In August we sailed together upon the Miami for Montauk Point. He had become Colonel of the regiment, and his excellent discipline and administration upon shipboard deserved high commendation.

'' I saw much of him on the voyage, which lasted something over a week. I many times repeated that his party would immediately seek him as their candidate for Governor of New York, and that his wonderful civil career, supplemented by his short but very brilliant record as a soldier, would cause the American people to finally elect him to the highest office within their gift. This expression of mine was published very generally in the papers just after we landed, and I think this view was very general among those who had followed Colonel Roosevelt's career from the time he entered public life.

'' The first prediction was verified three days after we landed by a formal tender of the domination for Governor. His distinguished career in that high position is familiar to the people of the entire country, and especially to those of the Empire State."
A Political Libel Refuted
One story of Colonel Roosevelt's Spanish War service was once almost a political issue, during his subsequent campaign for Governor of New York. Traducers, or persons trying to be such, charged him with having shot a Spaniard in the back. His devoted friend, the late Jacob A. Riis, tells how Riis was making a stump speech for the Colonel, when a voice from a rear seat whined: "You say Theodore Roosevelt was a brave man. How about his shooting a Spaniard in the back?"

Whereupon ire boiled out of Biis' honest beard, and he retorted: '' The man who says that is either a liar or a fool. Which of the two are you?" And in the ensuing turmoil, a burly cabman came to the speaker's rescue with: "Let 'im alone! Let Professor Biis alone! Theodore Roosevelt is the greatest man alive—and I druv him once!''

But in the Colonel's book about the Rough Riders, the shooting of the Spaniard is chronicled as an interesting feat and a piece of luck. The Colonel did it just as he topped the crest of San Juan Hill, and while the last Spanish defenders were running away and turning to fire as they ran. Naturally and properly, every American soldier in the charge shot at these Spaniards till his magazine was empty. Colonel Roosevelt, being right up with the leaders of the charge, happened to get one of the enemy with his revolver. He notes that another officer duplicated his performance.

That same day of his military glory, at the start of that same charge, when a regiment of regulars, owing to faulty staff work, was lagging at the foot of the slope with the Rough Riders behind it, Richard  Harding Davis saw and heard what he afterward reported as one of Theodore Roosevelt's most famous lightning strokes of decision. "If you don't wish to advance, let my men through, sir!" They were let through and the others followed and the charge got going, and the biggest battle of the little war was won.

The Voyage Home
On August 17, 1898, the Rough Riders embarked for home at the Daiquiri iron mines, where they had landed in Cuba seven weeks before. They sailed on the transport Miami and the voyage occupied nine days. Colonel Roosevelt had charge of policing the ship and the management of the men. The ship was kept in good sanitary condition, and in spite of fears in the United States of the importation of Cuban yellow fever, the men were at once permitted to land, after inspection. Many of the men, however, were sick and needed the rest and recuperation in camp at Montauk Point. The camp became a Mecca for New Yorkers and was visited by President McKinley and his cabinet before the Rough Riders  were mustered out.
Named for Governor
Love for reform had impelled him, even while a soldier at war, to join in a protest while in Cuba against mismanagement on the part of the War Department. He took part in the well-founded complaints of the "embalmed" beef fed to the army and of insanitary camp conditions. As a result hurried reforms were instituted; but the Republican Administration meanwhile was "embarrassed."

Here was a new reason among others that caused Republican leaders to dislike Roosevelt. He wasn't flexible enough in the hands of bosses. But the people acclaimed him the logical candidate for Governor of New York. While he was still a soldier he refused to say whether he would or would sot accept a nomination; but as soon as he had been mustered out he signified his willingness to run.

"Three rousing cheers," replied the State of New York and America in general in answer to the carping critics when the Colonel came clattering back all bedecked in khaki—a cloth of new and grave interest in those days—his sombrero tucked up at one side cockily. And lovingly the people whacked the flanks of the steed of the Man on Horseback, sending his charger immediately on a gallop that began at Camp Wheeler down at the Montauk end of Long Island and never ended until the Governor's chair at Albany had been reached.
The Regiment Mustered Out
When the Rough Riders  were mustered out on September 15, 1898, Colonel Roosevelt gave them some famous words of advice similar to those he frequently gave in later months to the entire country. It was a direct, personal, and forcefully typical speech, credited with much potency in the lives of some of the men to whom it was made. In substance it was as follows:

''Get action; do things; be sane; don't fritter away your time; create; act; take a place wherever you are and be somebody; get action—and don't get gay."

Many are the stories told of Colonel Roosevelt and his relation to the members of that famous regiment in after life. Senator Shelby M. Cullom of Illinois once discovered the loyalty of the Colonel to his field comrades when he was President. The Senator had called at the White House and was told that the President was engaged.

"Who's there?" he asked of the doorkeeper.

"Somebody who says he was in the Rough Riders," was the reply.

"Well," observed the legislator, as he turned away, "what chance have I, then? I'm only a Senator."
"The Long, Long Trail'

—Harrisburg   (Pa.)   Telegraph,   January,   1919.

CHAPTER NINE
 GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK
Nominated at Saratoga—Chauncey M. Depew's Nominating Speech—Roosevelt and Plait—A Reform Administration—Taxation of Corporations—Nominated and Elected Vice-President of the United States.
The politics of New York State in the fall of 1898 were in a state of upheaval. The administration of Governor Black had proved unpopular, and it was recognized that unless a candidate could be found so popular on his own account as to pull the Republican ticket through, the chances were that the Democrats would carry the State.

The fame of Roosevelt's Rough Riders had given their organizer and leader an immense popularity in the United States, and for some time before he returned to New York he had been put forward prominently as the Republican candidate for the governorship. Governor Frank S. Black had been elected by an enormous plurality two years previously and according to all traditions would have been renominated. He was set aside, however, for the new hero, and in the convention at Saratoga held September 27, 1898, Colonel Roosevelt was nominated with great enthusiasm.

The friends of Governor Black opposed his nomination bitterly as long as there seemed a chance for success. The charge was made that Colonel Roosevelt was ineligible for the nomination, as he had relinquished his residence in New York when he went to Washington to enter the Navy Department. The leading politicians of the state were opposed to Colonel Roosevelt for other reasons. They had not forgotten the ways of the young man who overturned so many precedents in the State Assembly nearly twenty years before, the tenacity with which he had held to his principles when in the Civil Service Commission, and the quiet firmness with which he had refused to obey the demands of party leaders while he was president of the Police Board. He was not the man the politicians would have sought. But the people had decided to have Colonel Roosevelt for their next Governor and the delegates to the convention did not dare deny them.

Depew's Nominating Speech

Senator Horace White, of Syracuse, was chairman of the convention in which Colonel Roosevelt was nominated. Judge J. R. Cady, of Hudson, nominated Governor Black, and the Hon. Chauncey M. Depew presented the name of Colonel Roosevelt in the following speech:

Gentlemen: Not since 1863 has the Republican party met in convention when the conditions of the country were so interesting or so critical. Then the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln, giving freedom and citizenship to four millions of slaves, brought about a revolution in the internal policy of our government which seemed to multitudes of patriotic men full of the gravest dangers to the Republic. The effect of the situation was the sudden and violent sundering of the ties which bound the present to the past and the future. New problems were precipitated upon our statesmen to solve, which were not to be found in the textbooks of the schools, nor in the manuals or traditions of Congress. The one courageous, constructive party which our politics has known for half a century solved these problems so successfully that the regenerated and disenthralled Republic has grown and prospered under its new birth of liberty beyond all precedent and every prediction.

Now, as then, the unexpected has happened. The wildest dream ever born of the imagination of the most optimistic believer in our destiny could not foresee, when Mr. McKinley was elected two years ago, the onrushing torrent of events of the past few months. We are either to be submerged by this break in the dikes erected by Washington about our government, or we are to find by the wise utilization of the conditions forced upon us how to be safer and stronger within our boundaries, and to add incalculably to American enterprise and opportunity by becoming master of the sea, and entering with the surplus of our manufactures the markets of the world. We cannot retreat or hide. We must "ride the waves and direct the storm." A war had been fought and won, and vast possessions near and far away have been acquired. In the short space of one hundred and thirteen days (duration of the Spanish War) politicians and parties have been forced to meet new questions and to take sides upon startling issues. The face of the world had been changed. The maps of yesterday are obsolete. Columbus, looking for the Orient and its fabled treasures, sailed four hundred years ago into the land-locked harbor of Santiago, and today his spirit sees his bones resting under the flag of a new and great country, which has found the way and conquered the outposts, and is knocking at the door of the farthest East. * *

The wife of a cabinet officer told me that when Assistant Secretary Roosevelt announced that he had determined to resign and raise a regiment for the war, some of the ladies in the Administration thought it their duty to remonstrate with him. They said: "Mr. Roosevelt, you have six children, the youngest a few months old, and the eldest not yet in the teens. While the country is full of young men that have no such responsibilities and are eager to enlist, you have no right to leave the burden upon your wife of the care, support and bringing up of that family." Roosevelt's answer was a Roosevelt answer: "I have done as much as anyone to bring on this war, because I believed it must come, and the sooner the better, and now that the war has come I have no right to let others do the fighting and stay at home myself."

The regiment of Rough Riders was an original American suggestion, and to demonstrate that patriotism and indomitable courage are common to all conditions of American life. The same great qualities are found under the slouch hat of the cowboy and the elegant imported tile of New York's gilded youth. Their mannerisms are the veneers of the West and East; their manhood is the same.

In that hot and pest-cursed climate of Cuba, officers had opportunities for protection from miasma and fever which were not possible for the men. But the Rough Riders endured no hardships nor dangers which were not shared by their Colonel. He helped them dig the ditches; he stood beside them in the deadly dampness of the trenches. No floored tent for him if his comrades must sleep on the ground and under the sky. In the world-famed charge of the Rough Riders through the hail of shot and up the hill of San Juan, their Colonel was a hundred feet in advance. The bullets whistling by him are rapidly thinning the ranks of those desperate fighters. The Colonel trips and falls and the line wavers, but in a moment he is up again, waving his sword, climbing and shouting. He bears a charmed life. He climbs the barbed-wire fence and plunges through, yelling, "Come on, boys! Come on, and we will lick hell out of them!" The moral force of that daring cowed and awed the Spaniards, and they fled from their fortified heights and Santiago was ours.

Colonel Roosevelt is the typical citizen-soldier. The sanitary condition of our army in Cuba may not have been known for weeks through the regular channels of inspection and report to the various departments. Here the citizen in the Colonel over came the official routine and reticence of the soldier. His graphic letter to the government and the "round robin" he initiated brought suddenly and sharply to our attention the frightful dangers of disease and death, and resulted in our boys being brought immediately home. He may have been subject to court-martial for violating the Articles of "War, but the humane impulses of the people gave him gratitude and applause.

It is seldom in political conflicts, when new and unexpected issues have to be met and decided, that a candidate can be found who personifies the popular and progressive side of these issues. Representative men move the masses to enthusiasm, and are more easily understood than measures. Lincoln, with his immortal declaration, made at a time when to make it assured his defeat by Douglas for the United States Senate, that '' a house divided against itself cannot stand; I believe this government cannot endure permanently half-slave and half-free," embodied the anti-slavery doctrine. Grant, with Appomattox and the parole of honor to the Confederate army behind him, stood for the perpetuity of union and liberty. McKinley, by his long and able advocacy of its principles, is the leading spirit for the protection of American industries. For this year, for this crisis, for the voters of the Empire State, for the young men of the country, and the upward, onward, and outward trend of the United States, the candidate of candidates is the hero of Santiago, the idol of the Rough Riders—Colonel Theodore Roosevelt.

A Hard Fight to Win
The roll-call of the convention showed 753 votes for Roosevelt and 218 for Black. Judge Cady, who had placed Governor Black in nomination, immediately moved to make the nomination of Colonel Roosevelt unanimous, and Senator Hobart Krum of Schoharie, who had been one of Governor Black's chief advisers, promised harmony in the party by saying: "On behalf of Governor Black and on behalf of every delegate who voted for him in this convention, I say they will stand by the nomination of Colonel Roosevelt as he took the heights at San Juan."

But after his nomination, Colonel Roosevelt had a hard fight to win—a fight that included innumerable opponents within his own party, politicians and business men who disliked his ever-present reform ideas. The campaign was an exciting and at times boisterous one, in which his "Rough Rider" character was made to play a prominent part. His Republican predecessor, Governor Frank S. Black, had been catapulted into Albany by a plurality of 213,022. Colonel Roosevelt was elected Governor by a bare plurality of 17,786 votes over Augustus Van Wyck, the Democratic candidate.
Roosevelt and Platt
Governor Roosevelt had accepted the Republican nomination unconditionally, but he had taken pains to announce several times during the campaign that on all important questions of policy and legislation he should consult with the Republican  state leader, Senator Platt. He made it clear, however, that he would not bind himself to act on the advice received if it were not in accordance with his own ideas of what was right.

Once installed in office, he carried out this policy to the letter. The reproaches of the reformers with which he was met when he breakfasted with Platt were turned to praise later when he refused to make the machine candidate, Francis Hendricks, Superintendent of Public Works, and removed Platt's man, Lou Payn, from the post of Superintendent of Insurance. He formed the habit of asking advice of Elihu Root, with whom his relations were ever after close, and it was more often Mr. Root's advice that was accepted than Platt's.

Many Sweeping Reforms
He had hardly begun to get the gubernatorial chair fairly warmed when he had the state bosses buzzing angrily about his ears—as had been expected. Always punching right and left, he waded in to establish reforms in the administration of the state.

Governor Roosevelt's two years at Albany, in fact, saw more constructive and reconstructive legislation placed on the statute books than the entire decade that preceded him. The Civil Service law was amended and enforced strictly—"putting the starch into it," the Governor called it.

The Governor personally investigated the tenement-house problem of New York City, with which he had previously made himself familiar during his term as Police Commissioner, and then secured the passage of a radical act that went far toward its solution.

Among the laws enacted affecting the laboring classes were an eight-hour law, a law providing for the licensing of employment agencies, and stringent factory laws, which, by the establishment of a licensing system, practically wiped out the worst abuses of the '' sweatshops.''
Taxed the Corporations
No piece of legislation was more earnestly pressed by Governor Roosevelt than the Corporation Franchise Tax law. It was his first step in the development of a policy which he afterward advocated in a wider field—namely, the requirement that corporate wealth be made to pay its just proportion of running the government. It was not a new idea with him. For years he had insisted that the state's willingness to give away valuable assets without adequate return was one of the weak points in the American practice of government.

It was in the franchise fight, so Colonel Roosevelt's friends assert, that he first uncovered the closeness of the relationship between boss legislation and big business; an abuse that he hammered at steadily in later years in a larger way, once destiny had led him into the fields of national affairs. Also he made it plain that he would like to have a second term as Governor to carry out still weightier schemes of reform.

Last Message as Governor
Governor Roosevelt's last message to the State Legislature in January, 1900, was of particular interest because it foreshadowed to a remarkable degree his later presidential programme. The germ or beginning of several policies which experience and study developed, is here clearly seen. In addition to advocacy of forest "preservation" and employers' liability, he took up the question of the state and public utilities. Of the accumulation of large fortunes, he said: "The point to be aimed at is the protection of the individual against wrong, not the attempt to limit and hamper the acquisition and output of wealth." Of the trust problem he wrote: 

"When a trust becomes a monopoly the state has an immediate right to interfere. * * Publicity is the one sure and adequate remedy which we can now invoke. There may be other remedies, but what these are we can only find out by publicity."
The Gospel of Work
On Appomattox Day, April 10, 1899, Governor Roosevelt was the guest of the Hamilton Club at a banquet in Chicago. There and then he enunciated the gospel of work—the doctrine of the strenuous life—with which his name was ever after associated. The first part of his address was as follows:
In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the state which gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who pre-eminently and distinctly embody all that is most American in the American character, I wish to preach, not the doctrine of ignoble ease, but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes, not to the man who desires mere easy peace, but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph.

A life of ignoble ease, a life of that peace which springs merely from lack either of desire or of power to strive after great things, is as little worthy of a nation as of an individual. I ask only that what every self-respecting American demands from himself, and from his sons, shall be demanded of the American nation as a whole. Who among you would teach your boys that ease, that peace, is to be the first consideration in their eyes—to be the ultimate goal after which they strive ? You men of Chi-cago have made this city great; you men of Illinois have done your share, and more than your share, in making America great, because you neither preach nor practice such a doctrine. You work yourselves, and you bring up your sons to work. If you
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are rich and are worth your salt, you will teach your sons that though they may have leisure, it is not to be spent in idleness; for wisely used leisure merely means that those who possess it, being free from the necessity of working for their livelihood, are all the more bound to carry on some kind of non-remunerative work in science, in letters, in art, in exploration, in historical research—work of the type we most need in this country, the successful carrying out of which reflects most honor upon the nation.

"We do not admire the man of timid peace. We admire the man who embodies victorious effort; the man who never wrongs his neighbor; who is prompt to help a friend; but who has those virile qualities necessary to win in the stern strife of actual life. It is hard to fail; but it is worse never to have tried to succeed. In this life we get nothing save by effort. Freedom from effort in the present merely means that there has been stored up effort in the past. A man can be freed from the necessity of work only by the fact that he or his fathers before him have worked to good purpose. If the freedom thus purchased is used aright, and the man still does actual work, though of a different kind, whether as a writer or a general, whether in the field of politics or in the field of exploration and adventure, he shows he deserves his good fortune. But if he treats this period of freedom from the need of actual labor as a period not of preparation, but of mere enjoyment, even though perhaps not of vicious enjoyment, he shows that he is simply a cumberer of the earth's surface; and he surely unfits himself to hold his own with his fellows, if the need to do so should again arise. A mere life of ease is not in the end a very satisfactory life, and, above all, it is a life which ultimately unfits those who follow it for serious work in the world.

As it is with the individual, so it is with the nation. It is a base untruth to say that happy is the nation that has no history. Thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much, because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat. If in 1861 the men who loved the Union had believed that peace was the end of all things, and war and strife the worst of all things, and had acted up to their belief, we would have saved hundreds of millions of dollars. Moreover, besides saving all the blood and treasure we then lavished, we would have prevented
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the heart-break of many women, the dissolution of many homes; and we would have spared the country those months of gloom and shame, when it seemed as if our armies marched only to defeat. We could have avoided all this suffering simply by shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it, we would have shown that we were weaklings, and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth.

Thank God for the iron in the blood of our fathers, the men who upheld the wisdom of Lincoln and bore sword or rifle in the armies of Grant! Let us, the children of the men who proved themselves equal to the mighty days—let us, the children of the men who carried the great Civil War to a triumphant conclusion, praise the God of our fathers that the ignoble counsels of peace were rejected; that the suffering and loss, the blackness or sorrow and despair, were unflinchingly faced, and the years of strife endured; for in the end the slave was freed, the Union restored, and the mighty American Republic placed once more as a helmeted queen among nations.
Elected Vice President
As the time approached for the Republican  National Convention of 1900, with the assurance of the renomination of William McKinley for President, speculation grew rife as to the candidate for second place on the ticket. Once more the people were heard from, and their voice was for Theodore Roosevelt for Vice-President. As the popular demand for his nomination grew in volume, it was encouraged and echoed by the machine politicians of New York State, headed by Senator Tom Platt, the "easy boss," from whose domination the Governor had gradually but surely freed himself.

There were, and always will be, those who are inclined to say that the seed of the demand for Theodore Roosevelt's nomination to the Vice-Presidency was first deliberately planted by the Republican  bosses who wished to "promote" Theodore Roosevelt to an office where he could do them no further harm. For two years he had been a thorn in the side of Senator Platt, and the New York bosses were quoted as saying in effect: "Let's bury him. Let's make him Vice-President of the United States. There's a little job, so the history of the country shows, that takes the intervention of the hand of God to lift a man out of eternal oblivion, now and forever."

But whoever made the first suggestion of Governor Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency, it was caught up with genuine enthusiasm by the people, in the East as well as in the West. Whoever planted the seed soon saw it sprout and become a plant of sturdy growth. The Governor, anxious to go on with his work at Albany and looking forward to a renomination, tried in vain to stop the swelling movement. He endeavored to make it clear that he would decline the proffered honor. As early as February, 1900, months before the National Convention was to assemble, he stated his attitude in emphatic terms. "Under no circumstances," he said, "could I or would I accept the nomination for the Vice-Presidency."

Even this declaration, however, failed to stop the wave of popular sentiment for him. No doubt it was then encouraged and stimulated by the political elements desirous of shelving him.
Nominated by Acclamation
When the Republican convention met in June, 1900, in Philadelphia, his presence as a delegate-at-large from New York was hailed with enthusiasm. It was his first appearance in a National Convention since the Blaine convention of 1884, sixteen years before, and the famous Rough Rider, successful Governor of New York, was the lion of the day. He made a nomination speech for Mr. McKinley for President, but when he himself was nominated for Vice-President with a roar of acclamation, he was absent from the scene. In a room nearby, he was calmly reading a book by one of his favorite Greek authors.
A Memorable Campaign
Accepting the nomination which had been thus thrust upon him, the Colonel threw himself with all his boundless energy into the campaign which resulted in the re-election of McKinley and his own election as Vice-President. Little did the bosses who had smiled in their sleeves at his nomination dream that an assassin's act was soon to remove President McKinley and place the Rough Rider in the chief magistracy of the nation—to make him in politics the indisputable chieftain and leader of his party.

The campaign carried Governor Roosevelt all over the land. For eight weeks he toured the country, visiting twenty-four states, traveling more than 21,000 miles, and delivering more than 700 speeches to audiences aggregating 3,000,000 people.
How He Spent the Day
A record of the way Mr. Roosevelt employed his time was made by a man who accompanied him on his tour of the country as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency in 1900. It is the schedule of a day's occupations, and for variety of interest it would be difficult to find it equaled in the lives of any other two men. Here it is:

7:00 A. M.—Breakfast.
 7:30 A. M.—A speech.
 8:00 A. M.—Reading an historical work.
 9:00 A. M.—A speech. 
10:00 A. M.—Dictating letters.
11:00 A. M.—Discussing Montana mines. 
11:30 A. M.—A speech. 
12:00 M.—Reading an ornithological work. 
12:30 P. M.—A speech.
1:00 P. M.—Lunch.
1:30 P. M.—A speech.
2:30 P. M.—Reading Sir Walter Scott.
3:00 P. M.—Answering telegrams.
3:45 P. M.—A speech.
4:00 P. M.—Meeting the press.
4:30 P. M.—Reading.
5:00 P. M.—A speech.
6:00 P. M.—Reading.
7:00 P. M.—Supper.
8:00 to 10:00 P. M.—Speaking.
 11 .-00 P. M.—Reading alone in his car.
 12:00 P. M.—To bed.
How He Met Opposition
Colonel Roosevelt was always happy where things were happening. He said once that he liked to be where something was going on, and he generally managed to make something happen where he was. Danger aroused in him a keen sense of enjoyment, as was illustrated in a small way in Victor, Colorado, during the campaign of 1900. The opposition in Colorado to the Republican position on the coinage issue was bitter, and a mob tried to prevent him from speaking in Victor. One man hit Mm in the breast with a piece of scantling six feet long from which an insulting banner had been torn. Another man tried to strike him' in the face, but was prevented by a miner. The same observer who recorded the routine of a day's work on the tour said afterward:

"When the storm of the mob swept up to him I stood on the lower step of the Pullman sleeper with George "W. Ogden. Ogden exclaimed:

" 'See the Colonel's face!
"I looked. Rocks were flying over him and the scantling waved savagely. And he? He was smiling and his eyes were dancing; and he was coming ahead to safety as composedly as though he were approaching the entrance to his own home among friends."

When it was all over he exclaimed enthusiastically:

"This is magnificent. Why, it's the best time I've had since I started. I wouldn't have missed it for anything."

He seemed to enjoy everything in the same enthusiastic way, and he had "a bully time" throughout the campaign, which resulted in the triumphant election of McKinley and Roosevelt.

 CHAPTER TEN 
HE SUCCEEDS McKINLEY
Inaugurated as Vice-President—Relations with McKinley Pleasant—Assassination of the President—Roosevelt in the Adirondacks—He Becomes President— Followed McKinley's Policies — An International Peacemaker.
When President McKinley and Vice-President Roosevelt were inaugurated at Washington on March 4, 1901, an interested spectator was Senator Thomas C. Platt of New York. When he started for the inauguration he said, "I am going down to see Roosevelt put on the veil," thereby expressing the attitude and hopes of the machine politicians of the new Vice-President's home state.

But Roosevelt's term as Vice-President was destined to be of short duration. He presided over the Senate at the week's extra session which followed the inauguration, and followed unconventional methods which promised to prove interesting for the grave and reverend seigniors of the Senate at subsequent sessions.

His relations with President McKinley and his cabinet were close and cordial. Unlike many former Vice-Presidents, he was in full agreement with the administration policy, and he was beginning to enjoy life in Washington, with definite plans for the useful occupation of his time, when the vacation season of 1901 opened and the members of the administration scattered in various directions for the summer.
September found the Vice-President with his family camping in the Adirondacks, and it was there that he received the news of the shooting of President McKinley, who was the victim of an assassin's (Czolgosz's) bullet at Buffalo on September 6, "President's Day" at the Pan-American Exposition. Mr. Roosevelt hurried at once to Buffalo, but at the end of three days, being assured by the attending physicians that the President would probably recover, he returned to the mountains. When the fatal complications set in, he was again sent for, but President McKinley died on September 13, seven days after he was shot, before Mr. Roosevelt again reached his bedside.
Notified by a Reporter
How Colonel Roosevelt received the news of the passing of the President has been told as follows:

"One day a reporter, throwing himself off a fagged horse in front of a camp in the fastnesses of the Adirondack woods, blurted the news to Roosevelt that McKinley was dead.

"The Colonel started violently. He didn't speak for minutes, gazing the while silently toward a distant mountain peak. Then he went into his camp, hastily threw his belongings together, and drove off at a hair-raising speed through the autumnal woods toward a railway station many miles away.

"Arrived at Buffalo he strode nervously, with fixed gaze, into a darkened room in the Milburn residence, a room adjoining the one in which the body of the martyred McKinley lay. Distinguished old men, their white heads bowed, sat about the darkened room as the youthful-looking Roosevelt entered with quick, alert step.
'' ' The President!' someone whispered suddenly; and the elder statesmen sprang to their feet.''

Thus Theodore Roosevelt became Chief Magistrate of the United States and succeeded to the chair of Washington, Lincoln, and McKinley.

One crack of a madman's revolver had ended the machine-made plans. And as the dying McKinley was carried from the scenes of hysteria in Buffalo on that September day, Wall Street stocks on the instant went tumbling; big business for the moment halted its mightiest plans; a whole nation, despite its shock and grief, took a frightened look into the future.

"Stocks went lower and lower. Teddy Roosevelt! The hot-headed Unterrified! The broncho-busting boy reformer—this heated, uncontrollable flake of dynamite, President of the United States for almost a full term!"

But Theodore Roosevelt soon mastered the situation. Continues 

McKinley Policy
He took the oath of office as President at Buffalo on the afternoon of September 14, in the presence of the Cabinet. Then, addressing the late President's advisers, he said: "In this hour of deep and terrible national bereavement, I wish it to be known that it shall be my intention and endeavor to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the peace and prosperity and honor of our beloved country." He then asked the members of the Cabinet to continue in office, insisting that he could not consider the withdrawal of any one of them.

The people, even big business, took cheer and confidence. Stocks slowly began to recover. And by the time President Roosevelt had sent his first message to Congress in the following December, it was a reassured people, still doubting, a bit, perhaps, but wholly recovered from the first fears.

Policy Toward the South
Early in his administration he let it be known that he would appoint good Democrats to office rather than bad Republicans in the South. He said he did not believe in the South's non-participation in the work of the Federal Government whenever a Republican administration happened to be installed at Washington. As for the Negro, he declared that he must take his chances with the rest, and that no favor would be shown a bad Negro, just because he was a Negro, or because he was a Republican. He began by making appointments which electrified the South, and brought words of praise from those who had never before been known to praise anything Republican.

It was at this point that the Booker T. Washington incident took place. The President invited the Negro educator to discuss a special subject with him, and then asked him to stay to lunch. It was clearly not intended as an affront to the South, and apparently the President had not considered its possible consequences one way or the other. His position was to ignore the criticism entirely. He went on appointing "good Democrats" to office, and found no difficulty in getting men to serve; later he made an extended tour of the Southern States, and was everywhere received with cordiality.
His First Message
President Roosevelt's first message to Congress in December, 1901, was awaited with unusual interest as the first extended statement of his policy. Written while the horror of President McKinley's assassination was still fresh in the public mind, it naturally devoted considerable attention to the suppression of anarchy and the exclusion of anarchists from entering the country.

Turning to the Monroe Doctrine, Roosevelt laid particular emphasis on its application to commercial as distinguished from political relations. "It is really," he wrote, "a guarantee of the commercial independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive dealings with any other American State. We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power."

Congratulating the country on the "timely and judicious" Gold Standard Act, the President turned his attention to the trust problem, and proclaimed the first step in the policy which, with its later developments, is so closely associated with his name. "In the interest of the public," he declared, "the government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now evoke."

In that first message President Roosevelt insisted upon the passage of a Cuban reciprocity measure. The House backed him, but the Senate did not; whereupon the President appealed to the people with the plea that the United States was under obligation to keep its pledge to make Cuba a free nation. On May 20, 1902, President Roosevelt turned over to a Cuban President and Cuban Congress a truly republican government for Cuba and the Stars and Stripes were hauled down on the island.

The Great Coal Strike
In the autumn of 1902 a great strike in the anthracite coal regions of Pennsylvania threatened to cripple the country. With characteristic fighting spirit — called "meddling" by his opponents—the President started to untie the tangle into which coal operators and labor had got themselves. But in the matter of the coal strike, President Roosevelt thought long and carefully before he acted. Then with the exclamation, "I suppose this'11 end me, but I'll do it," he appointed an arbitrating commission—and the miners went back to work. The report of the commission, which was not completed until winter, settled, not only this particular strike, but fixed a point of departure for the settlement of labor disputes in the future.

The Venezuelan Affair
It was during the end of the same year, 1902, that Mr. Roosevelt was called upon to act in the role of international peacemaker, when our affairs dangerously shifted to a part of the world, Venezuela, which had almost led us into a European war during the Cleveland administration. A fleet of German and British warships came to anchor off La Guayra in December—first having obtained United States permission to do so—and told President Castro that if certain debts due Germans and Englishmen were not paid, the fleet would seize certain Venezuelan ports and custom-houses and hold them until the amounts in dispute had been obtained.

Castro's answer was immediate preparation for armed defense. The Europeans opened fire, ports were bombarded, and Venezuelans were killed.

Then ensued one of the momentous episodes of America's foreign relations in modern times, one of the bravest and most dramatic moves ever made by an American President on his own responsibility, and certainly President Roosevelt's most forcible act in assertion of the Monroe Doctrine. In his first message to Congress the President had stated clearly his idea of what the Monroe Doctrine meant to the South American States, that the United States would defend these nations against territorial encroachments of European powers, but would not prevent measures merely intended to enforce the payment of just debts.

Used Navy as "the Big Stick"
Quietly, consulting nobody, he used the navy, with complete success, as his Big Stick, over the swollen heads of the Kaiser and the Pan-Germans, eager to make their claims a pretext for a characteristic rape of Venezuelan territory. The episode never was known to the public until a few years ago, when an account of it authorized by Colonel Roosevelt, appeared in "The Life of John Hay," by Prof. William Roscoe Thayer. Here is that account :

'' President Roosevelt did not shirk the test. Although his action has never been described, there is no reason now for not describing it.

"One day, when the crisis was at its height, he summoned to the White House Dr. Holleben, the German Ambassador, and told him that unless Germany consented to arbitrate, the American squadron under Admiral Dewey would be given orders, by noon ten days later, to proceed to the Venezuelan coast and prevent any taking possession of Venezuelan territory.

"Dr. Holleben began to protest that his imperial master, having once refused to arbitrate, could not change his mind. The President said that he was not arguing the question, because arguments had already been gone over until no useful purpose would be served by repeating them; he was simply giving information which the Ambassador might think it important to transmit to Berlin.

"A week passed in silence. Then Dr. Holleben again called on the President, but said nothing of the Venezuelan matter. When he rose to go, the President asked him about it, and when he stated that he had received nothing from his government, the President informed Mm in substance that, in view of this fact, Admiral Dewey would be instructed to sail a day earlier than the day he, the President, had originally mentioned. Kaiser Finally Yields

"Much perturbed, the Ambassador protested. The President informed him that not a stroke of a pen had been put on paper; that if the Emperor would agree to arbitrate, he, the President, would heartily praise him for such action and would treat it as taken on German initiative; but that within forty-eight hours there must be an offer to arbitrate, or Dewey would sail with the orders indicated. Within thirty-six hours Dr. Holleben returned to the White House and announced to President Roosevelt that a dispatch had just come from Berlin saying that the Kaiser would arbitrate.

"Neither Admiral Dewey (who with an American fleet was then maneuvering in the West Indies) nor anyone else knew of the step that was to be taken; the naval authorities were merely required to be in readiness, but were not told what for.

"On the announcement that Germany had consented to arbitrate, the President publicly complimented the Kaiser on being so stanch an advocate of arbitration. The humor of this was probably more relished in the White House than in Berlin. The Kaiser suggested that the President should act as arbitrator, and Mr. Roosevelt was ready to serve, but Mr. Hay (then Secretary of State) dissuaded Mm. Venezuela's claims went to The Hague for arbitration.

"England and Italy, Germany's partners in the naval expedition, gladly complied. England, we presume, had never intended that her half-alliance with Germany should bring her into open rupture with the United States. Although her pact was kept as secretly as possible at home inklings of it leaked out. Whether Lord Salisbury or Mr. Balfour originated it, the friends of neither have cared to extol it, or indeed to let its details be generally known."

It was seven years and five months later that Colonel Roosevelt, duly visiting Berlin in the course of his triumphal tour of Europe at the end of the African hunt, and reviewing German troops at maneuvers in the Kaiser's company, was fulsomely addressed by the monarch he had thwarted: "My friend Roosevelt, I am glad to welcome you, the most distinguished American. You are the first civilian who has ever reviewed German soldiers!"

In 1903 the old Alaska boundary dispute between Great Britain and the United States began to erupt again. At Mr. Roosevelt's suggestion, the matter was settled once and for all by a joint commission that met in London—the commission deciding in favor of the American contentions.

The President's action in securing a reference of the Venezuelan difficulties to The Hague tribunal, it has been well said, saved the life of that court. In the fall of 1904 he took the first step toward the convening of a second peace conference of the nations.
Antagonizes Senator Tillman
In 1902 President Roosevelt made an enemy of Senator Tillman in a characteristic way. Prince Henry of Prussia was the nation's guest, and when he was in Washington an official dinner was given in his honor at the White House. As the Prince was an Admiral, the members of the Naval Affairs Committee were invited.

Just then Senator McLaurin called Tillman a liar in the Senate, and Tillman responded with a full-arm swing on McLaurin's jaw. President Roosevelt expressed his opinion of the proceedings by publicly rescinding his invitation to Tillman. Tillman never forgave him, and when five years later a woman named Mrs. Minor Harris was forcibly removed from the White House, when she was trying to get an interview with the President, Tillman took up the case in the Senate and made an issue of it. Mr. Roosevelt retaliated later by making charges against Tillman's personal probity, but they were not sustained.
A Doctrine That Failed
Mr. Roosevelt met one of the first real defeats of his life when the Federal Courts refused to accede to a new and extraordinary doctrine he attempted to set up— that an editor anywhere in the country might be criminally proceeded against in the District of Columbia for a libel against the United States Government, provided that it could be shown that copies of his newspaper were circulated in that District. It was really one of the most audacious attempts that Mr. Roosevelt ever made, but he believed he was right in his contention.

He never did agree very well with the courts and in private conversation he often complained humorously that whenever he appointed a judge to the bench that judge immediately began rendering decisions adverse to his policies. One such case was said to be that of Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, of the United States Supreme Court.

"Perdicaris Alive or Raisuli Dead"
As Mr. Roosevelt's "first term" drew to a close the eyes of the administration were suddenly turned upon Morocco. An American, Ion Perdicaris, and his English son-in-law were kidnapped from their home near Tangier by the notorious Moorish bandit, Raisuli, on May 18, 1904. Raisuli demanded a ransom and other favors from the Sultan of Morocco before he would release his prisoners. Nine days later, on orders from President Roosevelt, the United States cruiser Brooklyn with Rear Admiral Chadwick's flag flying was headed toward Tangier, Rear Admiral Jewell following with three more warships. British warships joined the fleet in African waters.

"Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead!" Mr. Roosevelt [was quoted as saying, and whether he said it or not, the slogan blazed around the world. And a month later the American and the Englishman had been released, although Raisuli in the meantime had obtained from the Sultan almost all that the bandit had demanded.

Long before the meeting of the Republican National Convention, at Chicago, on June 24, 1904, it was certain that if he lived, President Roosevelt would be renomi-nated to succeed himself. He had never made any secret of his desire for an active election to the office to which he had succeeded on President McKinley's death.

Roosevelt in 1904
The personality of Theodore Roosevelt had made a wonderful impression upon the country by the end of his partial term in the White House. Frank A. Munsey described it in Munsey's Magazine for November, 1904, writing from intimate knowledge, as follows:

Train a pine sapling till you grow old and gray, and you will never make of it a hickory tree. It will not have the fiber, the character, the strength. It will be a pine stick all its days, and nothing more. And so with human life. Training and association can polish the brain and groom the body, and stimulate ambition and energy to their limits, but it cannot create new limits or fashion a new brain or a new body.

Character has a deeper foundation than that of training and association. It comes somewhere out of the dim and unknown past. The man who stands head and shoulders above his fellow men is bigger because he was born bigger. The size of a man is God's work. It was never anything else, and never will be anything else so long as the world stands. No man has ever done great things who wasn't created great in the fineness of his brain, the intensity of his nature, the clearness of his perception and the force of his application.

But why should genius favor one man more than another? It may be because his ancestors, perhaps a thousand years before his advent, suffered more, endured more, fought a better fight than others of their time. It may be this or that or something else. It's all a great, impenetrable mystery. If not, account for Lincoln, if you can—Lincoln and Jackson and Webster and Grant and Napoleon.

From a countless army of ancestors, known and unknown; from the sailor, the soldier, the herdsman, the farmer, the mechanic, the lawyer, the doctor, the man of letters, the aristocrat ; from women folk of all these classes and degrees; through toil and industry, poverty and affluence; through joy and sorrow, tenderness and affection, devotion to family, country and religion —from all these and through all these sprang the Roosevelt of today.

Roosevelt hasn't all the virtues. He has his faults. He is intensely human. He isn't immune from error of judgment. He makes mistakes. If he didn't he wouldn't be human and wouldn't be good for anything. He makes mistakes, but he likewise makes successes. In determining a man's mental stature, the question is not 'Does he make mistakes?' but, rather, 'Does he make more successes than mistakes?'
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HE SUCCEEDS McKINLEY
The Gatling gun doesn’t 't strike home its individual shots with the accuracy of the carefully, deliberately aimed rifle, but in battle, nevertheless, it does the deadly work. It brings results.

Of all Roosevelt's characteristics that one which is most marked and which has contributed most to his achievements is his intensity.

Without this quality no man, however brilliantly endowed in other respects, ever accomplishes much. With Roosevelt intensity is his power, his strenuosity, his life. It is a passion with him —the very soul of his genius.

Roosevelt, however, is not merely a man of intensity and action, but is a scholar as well. His books show thought and sound analysis. His style in writing, as in speaking, is forceful and convincing. His oratory, like himself, is rugged and intense.

He is a close student of men and affairs and of political history both at home and abroad. He is keen to discover merit in others, and is equally keen to retain and encourage it whether it be of his own political faith or that opposed to him, and for dishonesty and incompetence he has no place in the great business over which he presides.

Roosevelt's bravery is double barreled. It is both moral and physical. This is assuredly a rare combination—rare indeed when so highly developed.

We have many men whose courage in physical combat, in the hell of battle, is so fine, so grand, so supreme, that we can only feel our admiration with a thrill that sweeps us from head to foot. But apply to these same fearless men the test of moral bravery and our hearts will sink for pity of them. On the other hand, some men with the frailest of bodies and the most timid natures are giants—great, grand, heroic figures in the fiercer warfare of moral courage.

The combination, I repeat, is most rare, but in Roosevelt we have both. He can lead an army in the teeth of battle and never flinch, and with equal courage he can say, and say with terrible emphasis, 'Yes,' or 'No' He dares to do right as he understands the right, and he dares to defy wrong as he sees the wrong.

CHAPTER ELEVEN
 ELECTION AS PRESIDENT
Roosevelt as a Politician and Leader—His Success Predicted—Nominated for a Full Term and Triumphantly Elected—Mont/ Reforms Urged—Brings Peace Between Russia and Japan—The Panic of 1907—Foreign Relations.
Theodore Roosevelt was only forty-two years of age when he was first called to the Presidency, on the death of William McKinley. He was the youngest man who had ever occupied that high office, and yet long before the time came for his election to succeed himself he was recognized, not as the rash young man political enemies had seen in him, but as a statesman,'' steadied by experience, quick of thought but slow to act, who was always open to advice and never above taking it." From the outset he proved his right to leadership and the politicians found to their great surprise that they had a far-sighted, keen, and astute politician to deal with in the White House. No better or wiser politician, in the best sense of the term, ever occupied the Executive chair.

Years before he succeeded McKinley those who knew him had prophesied that he would become President of the United States. President Harrison wrote in 1898: "Mr. Roosevelt is today one of the best examples of Presidential timber in the country. His varied life as a ranchman, hunter, soldier, and politician has placed him in such close proximity with so many different men that they have had ample opportunity to judge of his qualities and to understand him when he says or does a thing.''

President Cleveland's Prediction
Before that, President Cleveland had recognized the coming man. In refusing to displace him as Civil Service Commissioner, he had said: '' You do not know Theodore Roosevelt. I do, and I tell you that he is one of the ablest politicians either party ever had, and the ablestRepublican politician in this generation. The country will find this out in time. If I keep him where he is, he can't do us any harm; if I remove him and make a martyr of him, he has political ability enough to do us serious damage. I shan't remove him."

Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of the House of Representatives, was also among the prophets. Speaking of the Civil Service Commission, when Roosevelt was a member of it, Mr. Reed said of him: "We've got an American of blood and iron—a coming man—on that Commission. I tell you, you want to watch that man, for he is a new-world Bismarck and Cromwell combined, and you will see him President yet.

President Andrew D. "White, of Cornell University, at an early stage of Roosevelt's career, is quoted as saying to his students: "Young gentlemen, some of you may enter public life. I wish to call your attention to Theodore Roosevelt, now in our Legislature. He is on the right road to success. It is dangerous to predict a future for a young man, but let me say that if any man of his age ever was pointed straight for the Presidency, that man is Theodore Roosevelt."

Even a German, Baron Speck von Sternberg, an attache" of the Legation (afterwards Ambassador) in Washington when Mr. Roosevelt was Civil Service Commissioner, was reported as saying: "When I first met Mr. Roosevelt I was deeply impressed with his powerful personality, his untiring energy, and essential sincerity of purpose. It was this combination which convinced me that some day I should see him at the head of this great nation." And on three separate occasions, when Roosevelt was appointed Police Commissioner of New York, when he became Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and when he was elected Governor of New York, Baron von Sternberg congratulated him on these successive steps '' nearer the Presidency.''

And yet there were men in those days, and long thereafter, who regarded Theodore Roosevelt's success in national politics as "an accident"! Blinded by enmity, jealousy, or party rancor, they totally failed to recognize the sterling character and political genius of the man whose reputation was founded on sincerity and service, as upon a rock.
Nominated for a Full Term
As the time drew near for the Republican National Convention of 1904, when Mr. Roosevelt had served three and one-half years of McKinley's term, and had stamped his individuality upon the Presidency, the demand for his nomination and election to a full term was countrywide and undeniable. On his part, he made no secret of his desire for an election by the people. Politicians recognized that his nomination and election were assured.

The Republican Convention met in Chicago, and President Roosevelt was nominated by acclamation to succeed himself. Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana, was named for Vice-President.
Governor Black's Nominating Speech
The speech placing Mr. Roosevelt's name before the Convention was made by former Governor Prank S. Black of New York, and gave a striking picture of the Roosevelt of those days and his strength among the people. Governor Black spoke in part as follows:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: We are here to inaugurate a campaign which seems already to be nearly closed. So wisely have the people sowed and watched and tended, there seems little now to do but to measure up the grain. They are ranging themselves not for battle, but for harvest. In one column, reaching from the Maine woods to the Puget Sound, are those people and those States which have stood so long together that when great emergencies arise the nation turns instinctively to them. In this column, vast and solid, is a majority so overwhelming that the scattered squads in opposition can hardly raise another army. * * *

AN  EXAMPLE  OP  UNITY

In politics as in other fields, the most impressive arguments spring from contrast. Never has there been a more striking example of unity than is now afforded by this assemblage. You are gathered here not as factions torn by discordant views, but moved by one desire and intent; you have come as the chosen representatives of the most enlightened party in the world. You meet not as strangers, for no men are strangers who hold the same beliefs and espouse the same cause. You may separate two bodies of water for a thousand years, but when once the barrier is removed they mingle instantly and are one. The same traditions inspire and the same purposes actuate us all. Never in our lives did these purposes stand with deeper root than now. At least two generations have passed away since the origin of that great movement from which sprang the spirit which has been the leading impulse in American politics for half a century. In that movement, which was both a creation and an example, were those great characters which endowed the Republican party at its birth with the attributes of justice, equality, and progress, which have held it to this hour in line with the highest sentiments of mankind. From these men we have inherited the desire, and to their memory we owe the resolution, that those great schemes of government and humanity, inspired by their patriotism, and established by their blood, shall remain as the fixed and permanent emblem of their labors, and the abiding signal of the liberty and progress of the race. * * *

The public mind is awake both to its opportunities and its dangers. Nowhere in the world, in any era, did citizenship mean more than it means today in America. Men of courage and sturdy character are ranging themselves together with a unanimity seldom seen. There is no excuse for groping in the dark, for the light is plain to him who will but raise his eyes. The American people believe in a man or party that has convictions and knows why. They believe that what experience has proved it is idle to resist. A wise man is any fool about to die. But there is a wisdom which, with good fortune, may guide the living and the strong. That wisdom springs from reason, observation, and experience. Guided by these this thing is plain, and young men may rely upon it, that the history and purposes I have described, rising even to the essence and aspirations of patriotism, find their best concrete example in the career and doctrines of the Republican party.

A COMMON PURPOSE

But not alone upon the principles of that party are its members in accord. With the same devotion which has marked their adherence to those principles, magnificent and enduring as they are, they have already singled out the man to bear their standard and to lead the way. No higher badge was ever yet conferred. But, great as the honor is, the circumstances which surround it make the honor even more profound. You have come from every State and Territory in this vast domain. The country and the town have vied with each other in sending here their contributions to this splendid throng. Every highway in the land is leading here and crowded with the members of that great party which sees in this splendid city the symbol of its rise and power. Within this unexampled multitude is every rank and condition of free men, every creed and occupation. But today a common purpose and desire have engaged us all, and from every nook and corner of the country rises but a single choice to fill the most exalted office in the world.

ROOSEVELT IN PEACE AND WAR

He is no stranger waiting in the shade, to be called suddenly into public light. The American people have seen him for many years, and always where the fight was thickest and the greatest need was felt. He has been alike conspicuous in the pursuits of
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ELECTION AS PRESIDENT
peace and in the arduous stress of war. No man now living will forget the spring of '98, when the American mind was so inflamed and American patriotism so aroused; when among all the eager citizens surging to the front as soldiers, the man whom this convention has already in its heart was among the first to hear the call and answer to his name.
Preferring peace, but not afraid of war, faithful to every private obligation, yet first to volunteer at the sign of national peril; a leader in civil life, and yet so quick to comprehend the arts of war that he grew almost in a day to meet the high exactions of command. There is nothing which so tests a man as great and unexpected danger. He may pass his life among ordinary scenes, and what he is or does but few will ever know. But when the crash comes or the flames break out, a moment's time will single out the hero in the crowd. A flash of lightning in the night will reveal what years of daylight have not discovered to the eye.

And so the flash of the Spanish war revealed that lofty courage and devotion which the American heart so loves, and which you have met again to decorate and recognize. His qualities do not need to be retold, for no other man in that exalted place since Lincoln has been so well known in every household in the land. He is not conservative, if conservatism means waiting till it is too late. He is not wise, if wisdom is to count a thing a hundred times if once will do. There is no regret so keen in man or country as that which follows an opportunity unembraced. Fortune soars with high and rapid wing, and whoever brings it down must shoot with accuracy and speed. Only the man with steady eye and nerve, and the courage to pull the trigger brings the largest opportunities to the ground. He does not always listen while all the sages speak, but every day at nightfall beholds some record which, if not complete, has been at least pursued with conscience and intrepid resolution.

ONE  MAN  ONLY—ROOSEVELT

He is no slender flower swaying in the wind, but of that heroic fiber which is best nurtured by the mountains and the snow. He spends little time in review, for that, he knows, can be done by the schools. A statesman grappling with the living problems of the hour, he gropes but little in the past. He believes in going ahead. He believes that in shaping the destinies of this great Republic hope is a higher impulse than regret. He believes that preparation for future triumphs is a more important duty than an inventory of past mistakes. A profound student of history, he is today the greatest history-maker in the world. With the instincts of the scholar, he is yet forced from the scholar's pursuits by those superb qualities which fit him to the last degree for those great world currents now rushing past with larger volume and more portentous aspect than for many years before. The fate of nations is still decided by their wars. You may talk of orderly tribunals and learned referees; you may sing in your schools the gentle praises of the quiet life; you may strike from your books the last note of every martial anthem, and yet out in the smoke and thunder will always be the tramp of horses and the silent, rigid, upturned face. Men may prophesy and women pray, but peace will come here to abide forever on this earth only when the dreams of childhood are the accepted charts to guide the destinies of men. Events are numberless and mighty, and no man can tell which wire runs around the world. The nation basking today in the quiet of contentment and repose may still be on the deadly circuit and tomorrow writhing in the toils of war.

GREAT PIGUEES IN FRONT

This is the time when great figures must be kept in front. If the pressure is great, the material to resist it must be granite and iron. Whether we wish it or not, America is abroad in this world. Her interests are in every street, her name is on every tongue. Those interests, so sacred and stupendous, should be trusted only to the care of those whose power, skill, and courage have been tested and approved. And in the man whom you will choose the highest sense of every nation in the world beholds a man who typifies as no other living American does the spirit and the purposes of the twentieth century. He does not claim to be the Solomon of his time. There are many things he may not know, but this is sure, that above all things else he stands for progress, courage, and fair play, which are the synonyms of the American name.

There are times when great fitness is hardly less than destiny, when the elements so come together that they select the agent they will use. Events sometimes select the strongest man, as lightning goes down the highest rod. And so it is with those events which for many months with unerring sight have led you to a single name which I am chosen only to pronounce. Gentlemen, I nominate for President of the United States the highest living type of the youth, the vigor, and the promise of a great country and a great age, Theodore Roosevelt, of New York.
A Triumphant Election
On the opposing Democratic ticket were Alton B. Parker, of New York, for President, and Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia, for Vice-President. President Roosevelt made no political speeches, but practically managed his campaign through George B. Cortelyou, his former secretary, who resigned his post as Secretary of Commerce and Labor to become chairman of the Republican National Committee.

The campaign was without great interest, save in New York and several other states, where a determined effort was made to bring out a large Democratic vote. Perhaps the most interesting episode of the canvass was the charge made by Judge Parker on the eve of election that great corporations were contributing to the Republican fund with the knowledge of the President, and because of the great power wielded over them by Secretary Cortelyou as Secretary of Commerce and Labor. The charge was formally denied by Secretary Root in a speech, and towards the close of the campaign the President issued a statement putting Alton B. Parker in the Ananias Club. It was then that he employed his famous "square deal" term, saying:

"All I ask is a square deal.    Give every man a fair •* chance; don't let anyone harm him, and don't let him do harm to anyone.''

In the election that year Mr. Roosevelt received the largest popular and electoral vote ever given to a President up to that time, receiving a popular majority over all opposing candidates of 1,729,809 votes (a plurality of 2,541,635 votes over Parker), and in the Electoral College 336 votes to 140 for Parker.

He now entered upon what he considered his first real term.
Annual Message of 1904
At the meeting of Congress following the election, President Roosevelt outlined in his annual message a series of far-reaching reforms, which were heralded as making a distinct and complete break with the McKinley policies which he had inherited. His proposals included a railway rate bill, Federal pure food regulation, a meat inspection measure, the removal of the tariff from denatured alcohol as a possible means of counteracting the oil monopoly, a thorough-going reform of the Consular Service, a reform in naturalization laws, and the admission of the remaining territories to statehood. All of these reforms were subsequently enacted into law.
Most Famous Diplomatic Triumph
The war between Japan and Russia which had begun in February, 1904, was to result eventually in one of the most famous diplomatic triumphs of Roosevelt's seven and a half years in the White House. While the terrific land and sea fights in the Orient were holding the attention of the world Roosevelt and his remarkable Secretary of State, the late John Hay, sent forth first the famous "Hay Note," asking that the two warring countries respect the neutrality of China lest a greater catastrophe be precipitated.

Russia and Japan agreed to the American request. In the meantime came Mr. Roosevelt's election to succeed himself for a full term in the White House; and some measure of the way America had lost its fear of a "man on horseback" in the Presidential chair may be gathered from the unprecedented size of the Colonel's plurality.

The Russian-Japanese war was constantly in his thoughts. The beginning of his full term seemed to the President the psychological moment to propose to Japan and Russia that they get together peacefully and thresh out their differences in conference. On June 7, 1905, the President sent a note to the Czar and another to the Mikado asking them if they did not think it would be best for all mankind if they met to arrange terms for peace. Following a long discussion as to the exact spot where they should meet, the peace envoys from Japan and Russia began to confer at Portsmouth, N. EL, on August 10, 1905—"Washington being too hot at that time of the year.

Within eight days the delegates had come to a deadlock. President Roosevelt then induced the German Kaiser to join him in an appeal to the rulers of Russia and Japan. The joint appeal succeeded in inducing the Mikado to forego his demand for money indemnity, and caused the Czar to give to Japan much of the island of Saghalien.

The peace treaty was signed on September 5, 1905. Promptly and unanimously the world arose and acclaimed Roosevelt the fighter as the greatest peacemaker of the age. The following year he received the Nobel Peace Prize of $40,000 for that great service. This prize is given annually to the person who shall have done most during the year to promote the peace of the world. But Mr. Roosevelt himself always said that his greatest contribution to the cause of peace was not the negotiation of the Portsmouth treaty, but his act in sending the American fleet to the Pacific in 1907. He believed all his life that that act averted war between Japan and the United States, and Admiral Evans, the commander of the fleet, was one of those who agreed with him.
The Panama Canal
One of the greatest, if not the greatest, achievement of Mr. Roosevelt's full term was the clearing away of difficulties and the inauguration of actual work on the long-discussed plan to join the Atlantic and the Pacific by means of the Panama Canal. It is not too much to say that the world owes the Canal to the initiative and energy of Theodore Roosevelt.

In 1906 the Spooner bill was passed, giving the President authority to buy the old French Panama Canal Company, lay out a water route across the isthmus, reorganize a canal commission, and begin to build. The work meant not only a battle against mountainous engineering problems, but notable medical and sanitary problems that till then had defied the world.

How well the work was done is fresh in the public mind, but it will be referred to again later in these pages.

While Mr. Roosevelt was tackling his canal problems he put through far-reaching legislative and diplomatic coups that included the momentous passage of a bill giving Federal control, or at least direction, of the business of interstate commerce carriers; the suppression in the same year, 1906, of a Cuban insurrection against President Estrada Palma; and the inception of a wide-spreading conservation of America's natural resources.
Regulating Railroad Rates
It was in 1905 that President Roosevelt began fighting for the regulation of railroad rates. The Esch-Townsend bill, his first essay in that line, was beaten, as he had expected it to be; but in 1906 he forced the Hepburn bill through Congress in the face of such bitter opposition from his own party that he was obliged to form at one time an alliance with the Democrats. The latter charged bitterly that he threw them aside like a squeezed lemon when they had served his purpose, and the air was full of criminations and recriminations.

But whatever he may have done with the Democrats, he had no hesitation in breaking with the leaders of his own party, such as Aldrich, and putting in the forefront one of the younger Senators, Dolliver, of Iowa, and had the satisfaction of putting his bill through.

On April 14, 1906, he publicly expressed his advocacy of a national inheritance tax, saying: "We shall ultimately have to consider the adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on all fortunes," and subsequently he declared himself in favor of an income tax.
Loved for Enemies He Made
It was late in 1905 that the Wall Street Journal alphabetically called the roll of Mr. Roosevelt's enemies as follows:
A lot of people who are afraid of a foreign policy.
Bribers and corruptionists of all kinds.
Corporations that fear publicity.
Disappointed office seekers.
Every person who still thinks that the President
     ought not to have received John Mitchell or Booker Washington. 
Financial interests that have been or are being investigated. 
Great men who find that Roosevelt is in their way. 
High finance that puts itself above the law.
Interests that want to kill or delay the Panama Canal. 
Jacobins who are ready for anything that will serve to turn the "ins" out.
Kangaroo politicians strong in their capacity to kick. 
"Law honesty." 
Men who squirmed under the enforcement of the Sherman
     Anti-Trust Law. 
Nicaragua Canal advocates. 
Odell (governor of New York).
     Opponents of government regulation, especially railways.
Pennsylvania's corrupt machine, recently rebuked at the polls.
Railroads that have violated the law.
Sugar lobbyists who don't want fair play given to the Philippines.
     Shippers who want rebates.
Trusts that have become monopolies.
Usurers and others who don't like the doctrine of the square deal.
Voters, now few in number, who want us to give up the Philippines.
Washington correspondents who feel that they have the right to run the 
       White House.
Xanthospermous journalism eager for a new sensation.
You may perhaps find a few more by inquiring at 26 Broadway
      (Standard Oil headquarters).
Zealots who think it right to destroy even a reputation to benefit their party.
On December 19, 1906, he gave his official sanction to the discharge of Negro soldiers for a murderous attack which at least some of them had made on citizens of Brownsville, Texas, withholding his approval of the discharge of the Negroes, however, until his Secretary of War, William H. Taft, had judicially reviewed all the facts.

And straightway a large part of the Negroes of the country began to attack him again and a large part of the South again began to sing his praises. As always, Colonel Roosevelt was continuing his frank, courageous way.
The Panic of 1907
The staggering financial panic of 1907 held his whole mind during the dark days in which the money troubles of that year sent banks and large business affairs crashing down like rows of cards. To meet the catastrophe the Roosevelt administration went to the relief of money markets by issuing Panama construction bonds up to $50,000,000, and the President and the Treasury Department also entered upon a plan whereby short-term notes at 3 per cent were issued. The upheaval soon ended and business returned to normal again.
Voyage of the Battle Fleet
Mr. Roosevelt as President was always preaching preparedness, paraphrasing George Washington's maxim to the effect that the way to preserve peace is constantly to be ready for war. With something of this thought in mind, President Roosevelt in 1908 sent a great American battle fleet under Admiral Evans ("Fighting Bob") on a 42,000-mile trip around the world—an idea which, as usual, was sharply criticized by his enemies. But when the fleet had circled the globe, amid great acclaim from rulers and subjects of nations near and remote, Mr. Roosevelt declared that the voyage had "exercised a greater influence for peace than all the peace conferences of the last fifty years."

In line with his peace theories he championed the cause of international arbitration of world differences of opinion and claims; he practiced what he preached by submitting the Pious Fund case, over which his own country and Mexico long had been at loggerheads, to The Hague tribunal. He never laid claim to signing so many peace treaties as William Jennings Bryan did later; but he kept a great part of the world peaceful during his regime, whereas when Secretary Bryan had about concluded the last of his peace treaties, the whole world went to war.
Foreign Relations
The most important measures of the second Roosevelt administration, viewed after a period of years, seem to have been those concerning the foreign relations of the United States. Important as were the happenings in internal affairs in the four years from March 4, 1905, to March 4, 1909, the final effect of the foreign policy must be taken to be the greater. To review, without too much regard for a strict chronological sequence, the course of events with reference to foreign relations, it may be noted first, that the two Secretaries of State who held office for the longest time under President Roosevelt were John Hay and Elihu Root. Hay died within four months of Roosevelt's inauguration, on June 30, 1905, and Root was appointed on July 25.

One of the questions which President Roosevelt inherited on coming into office was the Newfoundland fisheries controversy, over the rights of American fishermen in Newfoundland waters. In 1907, through negotiations conducted in London, the President caused the signing of la protocol providing that the controversy be submitted to The Hague for arbitration.

Secretary Root labored especially to improve the relations of the United States with South America, and in 1907 the President invited the representatives of the five republics of Central America to an international peace conference in Washington. A joint tribunal was established for arbitration.

Earlier in that year Secretary Root had made a trip around South America, visiting the capital of each country, and assuring the people that the purposes of the United States in this hemisphere were unselfish. His visit did much to better the standing of this country in the eyes of the South Americans.

In 1908 Mr. Roosevelt's popularity was at its greatest height, and by merely saying the word he could have had a third term, or rather, a second full term. In fact, it took his utmost efforts to prevent the party from forcing another term upon him. But on the night of his election in 1904 he had announced that he would under no circumstances accept another nomination. Such a nomination it was, however, later to be his lot to receive under circumstances that are historic.

 CHAPTER TWELVE
 RECORD IN THE WHITE HOUSE
The Panama Canal Problem Solved—Mr. Roosevelt's Conservation Policy—Praise from an Impartial Source— His Colonial Policy—The Standard Oil Fight—Consular Service Reformed—Appointed General Wood as Chief of Staff—Secret of Roosevelt's Success—Getting Close to the People.
No triumph of Theodore Roosevelt's strenuous and useful life was greater than that which he achieved in connection with the construction of the Panama Canal. When he set himself in earnest at the task, he laughed at obstacles and simply wiped them away. His approval of the purchase by the United States of the property of the old French Panama Canal Company, and his recognition of the new Republic of Panama and the creation of a Canal Zone under United States jurisdiction, were the important steps that started the great project on its way and led to its successful consummation. It took his powers of initiative, his energy, his farsightedness, and his knowledge and wise choice of the right men for the job, to put through the gigantic undertaking and bring our Atlantic and Pacific coasts within closer reach of each other, besides shortening the ocean routes for the commerce of the world.

In reviewing his administration of the Presidency for seven and one-half years, an authority of the greatest impartiality finds that the taking over of the Panama Canal project was Mr. Roosevelt's greatest single achievement, and adds:

"His critics said that his course in this matter was unconstitutional, although the question of constitutionality has never been raised before any national or international tribunal. The fact remains that the construction of the Panama Canal was undertaken to the practical satisfaction of the civilized world. But for Mr. Roosevelt's vigorous official action and his characteristic ability to inspire associates with enthusiasm, the canal would still be a subject of diplomatic discussion instead of a physical actuality."

Progress of the work on the Panama Canal was one of the great events of Roosevelt's second term, as the beginning of that project had been of his first term. Congress decided finally upon the lock type of canal in June, 1906, and work was pushed from that time.

His Conservation Policy
Another great achievement of President Roosevelt was the development of a national policy looking to the conservation of all the natural resources of the country. Of this policy and his intimate connection with it, the Encyclopedia Britannica takes the following unbiased view:

"If Mr. Roosevelt did not invent the term 'conservation,' he literally created as well as led the movement which made conservation in 1910 the foremost political and social question in the United States. The old theory was that the general prosperity of the country depends upon the development of its natural resources, a development which can best be achieved by private capital acting under the natural incentive of financial profits. Upon this theory public land was either given away or sold for a trifle by the nation to individual holders.

"While it is true that the building of railways, the opening of mines, the growth of the lumber industry and the settlement of frontier lands by hardy pioneers were rapidly promoted by this policy, it also resulted naturally in the accumulation of great wealth in the hands of a comparatively few men who were controlling lumber, coal, oil and railway transportation in a way that was believed to be a menace to the public welfare. Nor was the concentration of wealth the only danger of this policy; it led to the destruction of forests, the exhaustion of farming soils and the wasteful mining of coal and minerals, since the desire for quick profits, even when they entail risk to permanency of capital, is always a powerful human motive.

"Mr. Roosevelt not only framed legislation to regulate this concentration of wealth and to preserve forests, water power, mines and arable soil, but organized departments in his administration for carrying his legislation into effect. His official acts and the influence of his speeches and messages led to the adoption by both citizens and Government of a new theory regarding natural resources.

"His theory-is that the Government, acting for the people, who are the real owners of all public property, shall permanently retain the fee in public lands, leaving their products to be developed by private capital under leases which are limited in their duration and which give the Government complete power to regulate the industrial operations of the lessees."

In May, 1908, Mr. Roosevelt called a conference of the governors of all the States for the purpose of securing their support and co-operation in the conservation of natural resources, and succeeded in creating a strong public opinion to that desirable end. He thus laid the foundation for a vast amount of useful work which has since been accomplished by legislation and otherwise.

His Colonial Policy
In August, 1905, an insurrection broke out in Cuba which the existing Cuban government was powerless to quell. This Government was repeatedly asked by the then Cuban government to intervene, and finally was notified by the President of Cuba that he intended to resign. President Roosevelt sent ships to the island, and dispatched the Secretary of War, William H. Taft, and the Assistant Secretary of State to deal with the situation on the ground. The United States Government remained in the island longer than it had expected, but was replaced; by a new native government, under President Gomez, in January, 1909.

A policy of giving to the Filipinos a larger share of self-government was put through in 1906, and in 1907 the first Philippine Assembly was called to order by Secretary Taft.

"Strictly speaking, the United States has no colonial policy," according to the impartial authority already quoted in this chapter, "for the Philippine Islands and Porto Rico can scarcely be called colonies. It has, however, a policy of territorial expansion. Although this policy was entered upon at the conclusion of the Spanish war under the Presidency of Mr. McKinley, it has been very largely shaped by Mr. Roosevelt. He determined that Cuba should not be taken over by the United States, as all Europe expected it would be, and an influential section of his own party hoped it would be, but should be given every opportunity to govern itself as an independent republic; by assuming supervision of the finances of Santo Domingo he put an end to controversies in that unstable republic, which threatened to disturb the peace of Europe, and he personally inspired the body of administrative officials in the Philippines, in Porto Rico and (during the American occupancy) in Cuba, who for efficiency and unselfish devotion to duty compare favorably with any similar body in the world.

"In numerous speeches and addresses he expressed his belief in a strong colonial government, but a government administered for the benefit of the people under its control and not for the profit of the people at home. In this respect for the seven years of his administration at "Washington he developed a policy of statesmanship quite new in the history of the United States.''
The Standard Oil Fight
The suit for the dissolution of the Standard Oil Company was one of the most significant acts of the Roosevelt Administration; and, although this suit was not brought to a successful conclusion until 1911, the credit is due mainly to him. But more important in his own estimation, and from the standpoint of personal credit, was his work for the conservation of the natural resources of the country.

The culmination of a long series of addresses and messages on the railroads came in 1906 with the enactment of the Hepburn Kate law, which was supplementary to the Anti-Rebate law of 1903. The passage of this bill was largely due to popular indignation over the abuses of rebates, as was also the passage of the Pure Food law and the Meat Inspection act. An Employers' Liability law was passed at this session, but was declared unconstitutional and was replaced by a modified law in 1908.
An important step in respect to foreign relations was the reform of the diplomatic and consular services. An executive order of November 10, 1905, applied the merit system to promotions in both branches of the foreign service.

Diplomatic negotiations were begun and concluded whereby the Japanese immigration was restricted by the action of that country. With other nations, with Germany, and with England, minor disputes over the tariff and Niagara Falls were satisfactorily settled.

Another feature of the President's second Administration was the signing of the Oklahoma and Arizona statehood bills.

Colonel Roosevelt's interest in national preparedness was not confined to the naval service alone. During his first administration he succeeded in having Congress enact the first General Staff Act, and he promptly appointed as organizer and first chief of staff Major General Leonard Wood.

Mr. Roosevelt had laid the foundation for the staff by securing the removal of General Wood, then an army surgeon, from the medical service, and his appointment as commander of the famous regiment of "Rough Riders," which the former President organized at the outbreak of the war with Spain.

Some army officers have expressed the opinion that the importance of this first, though incomplete, victory over the bureaucratic system that had always ruled the War Department, was shown by the fact that it was not until 1919, with all the experience of the Great War as a foundation, that the Department was preparing with hopes of success to submit to Congress a bill providing for full General Staff control and responsibility for all army matters.
Achievements as President
President Roosevelt's elected term ended in 1909 after achievements of which the following are historical:
1.	Dolliver-Hepburn railroad act.
2.	Extension of forest reserve.
3.	National irrigation act.
4.	Improvement of waterways and reservation of water power sites.
5.	Employers' liability act.
6.	Safety appliance act.
7.	Regulation of railroad employees' hours of labor.
8.	Establishment of Department of Commerce and Labor.
9.	Pure food and drugs act.

10.	Federal meat inspection.
11.	Navy doubled in tonnage and greatly increased inefficiency.
12.	Battleship fleet sent around the world.
13.	State militia brought into co-ordination with the army.
14.	Canal  zone   acquired  and work  of  excavation pushed with increased energy.
15.	Development of civil self-government in insular possessions.
16.	Second intervention in Cuba; Cuba restored to the Cubans.
17.	Finances of Santo Domingo adjusted.
18.	Alaska boundary disputes settled.
19.	Reorganization of the consular service.
20.	Settlement of the coal strike of 1902. The Government upheld in the Northern Securities decision.
21.	Conviction of post office grafters and public land
thieves.
22.	Investigation of the sugar trust customs frauds and resulting prosecutions.
23.	Suits begun against the Standard Oil and tobacco companies and other corporations for violation of the Sherman anti-trust act.
24.	Corporations forbidden to contribute to political campaign funds.
25.	The door of China kept open to American commerce.
26.	The settlement of the Russo-Japanese war by the treaty of Portsmouth.
27.	Diplomatic entanglements created by the Pacific Coast prejudice against Japanese immigration avoided.
28.	Twenty-four   treaties of general arbitration negotiated.
29.	Interest  bearing   debt  reduced  by  more   than $90,000,000.
30.	Annual conference of governors of states inaugurated.
31.	Movement for conservation of natural resources inaugurated.
32.	Movement for the improvement of conditions of country life inaugurated.

In addition, President Roosevelt recommended reforms and policies subsequently obtained by his successor, among them being:
1.	Reform of the banking and currency system.
2.	Inheritance tax. Income tax.
3.	Passage of a new employers' liability act to meet
objections raised by the Supreme Court.
4.	Postal savings banks.
5.	Parcel post.
6.	Revision of the Sherman anti-trust act.
7.	Legislation   to   prevent overcapitalization, stock
watering and manipulations by common carriers.
8.	Legislation compelling incorporation under Fed
eral laws of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.
Met All Manner of Men
During his Presidency Mr. Roosevelt was democratic in his relations with not only men who had ideas to give him, but with men who were of service to him in living the strenuous life. "Professor" Mike Donovan at the White House boxed with him, and a jiu-jitsu artist taught the President the secrets of that science.

In explaining why he had " as a practical man of high ideals, who had always endeavored to put his ideals in practice," conferred with Mr. Harriman, the railroad magnate, and Mr. Archbold of the Standard Oil Company, the former President made these assertions:

"I have always acted and shall always act upon the theory that if, while in public office, there is any man from whom I think I can gain anything of value to the Government, I will send for him and talk it over with him, no matter how widely I differ from him on other points.

"I actually sent for, while I was President, trust magnates, labor leaders, Socialists, John L. Sullivan, 'Battling' Nelson, Dr. Lyman Abbott. I could go on indefinitely with a list of people whom at various times I have seen or sent for. And if I am elected President again I shall continue exactly the same course of conduct, without the deviation of a hair's breadth. And if ever I find that my virtue is so frail that it won't stand being brought into contact with either trust magnates or a Socialist or a labor leader, I will get out of public life."
Secret of His Success
The secret of Mr. Roosevelt's tremendous power, as explained by himself, is given in the following quotation, from which it is probable that the custom grew up of explaining him as an average man highly developed in all his faculties and of denying him rather sweepingly any decided endowment of genius:

"It has always seemed to me that in life there are two ways of achieving success, or, for that matter, of achieving what is commonly called greatness. One is to do that which can be done by the man of exceptional and extraordinary abilities. Of course this means that only one man can do it, and it is a very rare kind of success or greatness. The other is to do that which many men could do, but which, as a matter of fact, none of them actually does. This is the ordinary kind of greatness.

"Nobody but one of the world's rare geniuses could have written the Gettysburg Speech, or the Second Inaugural, or met as Lincoln did the awful crises of the Civil War. But most of us can do the ordinary things which, however, most of us do not do. Any hardy, healthy man, fond of outdoor life, but not in the least an athlete, could lead the life I have led if he chose—and by 'choosing' I of course mean choosing to exercise the requisite industry, judgment and foresight, none of a very marked type." It was due to the "vague passion for a new righteousness" perhaps that Mr. Roosevelt at times, instead of treating the tariff and currency legislation and economic government with his thought and pen, preached the "duty of mothers to bear large families, the need for big business to be honest, the advantage of correct spelling, the desirability of making life simple, strenuous and successful."

All topics "on which he could safely generalize he treated with assiduity," and in "no other case has the Executive pen dwelt so extensively upon matters generally confined for discussion to the home, the schoolroom and the church."
Idealist and Opportunist
Roosevelt the man was both an idealist and an opportunist—an idealist in his ends and an opportunist in his methods. How to adjust idealism and opportunism, how to live for a future ideal but in the actual present, how to face the facts as they are and not lose the ambition to make them better, is a perpetually shifting problem which no man can perfectly solve.

It is true that he was criticized on the one hand by the practical politician for not being practical and on the other hand by the reformer and the scholar for sacrificing ideals to practical politics.

The attitude of Mr. Roosevelt toward the governing of men has been said to be that of "a strong man rejoicing," as leadership with him was instinctive. The hurly-burly of conflict impending and actual "was to him a great gladness." Joy in work—the elation and exultation of strong competition—was often the motive power of his accomplishment.
The seven and a half years of his Presidency were rife with struggle and conflict, and having come through the years of contention and having revelled in every minute of them, he was "deterred from entering no fight because the contest was likely to be hot.'' When he left the Presidency he said, "I have had a corking time."

The description of one of his adherents during the years of his Presidency stands in contrast with other words of Roosevelt's own, as follows:

"In Washington, during the crises of his Presidency, when he was being badgered and thwarted beyond endurance, when schemes on which his whole heart were set were in peril, he sometimes exploded with anger, scorn, and denunciation, and the outburst was always one of exhilaration. It was tonic to him to be in a fight and hitting the hardest, and his vehemence was that of the natural, pugnacious, elemental man with his back to the wall."

Getting Close to the People
President Roosevelt's popularity throughout the country was attested by the enthusiastic receptions extended to him by the people of the United States during the various trips he made. Even President McKinley, warmly as he was held in esteem by the people of the country, received no more cordial welcomes than President Roosevelt in his tours over the United States. Both Presidents came in contact with the people directly; talked to them from the rear end of their cars; from the platforms in crowded houses and halls; and looking into the faces of those in front of him President Roosevelt seldom indeed had reason to suppose that there was any feeling against him anywhere. He believed that there was no better way of getting close to the people than by going around among them, talking to them, and shaking their hands.

During his first term of office the President made about thirty-five trips out of Washington. Most of these were very short, being for the purpose of making speeches at various points in response to the wishes of conventions, societies, etc.; going to his home in Oyster Bay to vote or spend the summer; visiting his alma mater and friends at Harvard; inspecting affairs at Annapolis and West Point; presenting medals for marksmanship at Seagirt, N. J., and short hunting trips into Virginia. The President's love for his eldest son, Theodore, Junior, and the natural anxiety of a father, induced him to spend five days at Groton, Massachusetts, in February, 1902, when Theodore, Jr., lay at the point of death from pneumonia. The faithful father remained at the bedside of his son until the crisis had passed.

At the Charleston Exposition
The first tour of prominence taken by the President was to the Charleston, S. C., Exposition, in April, 1902. The President spent some time in Charleston, and was most cordially received there. His next trip was to Pittsburgh on the 4th of July, 1902, at which time he delivered a speech to 50,000 people and received an ovation. His speech was significant, in connection with his attitude on the trust question and his intention to have the Attorney-General proceed against those that were believed to be violating the Sherman and other anti-trust laws. Mr. Roosevelt at that time plainly indicated that the laws of the country must be obeyed by individuals and corporations; that there would be no discriminations against one or the other, but that no matter how tremendously wealthy a corporation might be, it could not exist if it was operating in violation of the laws of the United States. It was about this time that he directed Attorney-General Knox to begin an investigation of the operations of some of the big trusts, and these investigations led to proceedings which have become famous in the legal annals of the United States.

Three important trips were made by the President in the late summer and fall of 1902. One was to the New England States, and lasted from August 2 to September 3. The President visited a number of cities in the different States, and everywhere was received in the most generous manner. It was at Pittsfield, Massachusetts, while on this journey, that he came near losing his life. While driving across the country his carriage was struck by a trolley car and overturned, killing Secret Service Detective Craig, and seriously injuring the President, former Governor Crane of Massachusetts, and Secretary Cortelyou. Despite the severity of his own wounds and the seriousness of the shock, the President's first thoughts were for the Secret Service officer, who had been knocked from the box where he had been riding with the driver. He was very much shocked when he learned that Craig had been killed.

Everywhere on this journey the President made speeches which showed the variety of subjects with which he was acquainted, and the depth of his information on these subjects. The speeches were conservative, thoughtful, and tactful, and went far toward establishing him in the confidence of the people.

Attends Firemen's Convention
After the New England trip, President Roosevelt made a journey to Chattanooga, Tennessee, for the purpose of attending the biennial convention of the Brother-hood of Locomotive Firemen. On his way to Chattanooga, he went through West Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky, speaking at Wheeling and several points in Ohio. At every one of these places he was received with great cordiality, and the people freely applauded his speeches. In Chattanooga the locomotive firemen received him with great warmth, and the people of the city entertained him in the most hospitable manner. The firemen elected the President an honorary member of their Brotherhood, and the speech he made to them won for him the lasting friendship of the members of this organization, and of all railroad organizations in the United States. He compared the hazardous duties of the engineer, fireman, conductor, and other railroad employees to those of a soldier, and said that he had often declared that there was no class of men in the world braver or more noble than railroad men, who took their lives in their hands daily, and whose courage, endurance, and manhood frequently saved hundreds of lives, often at the sacrifice of their own.

Recalled the Days of Chickamauga
While in Chattanooga, Mr. Roosevelt went over the battlefields of Chattanooga, Lookout Mountain, and Chickamauga, having the various points of interest pointed out to him by officers in the army stationed in the neighborhood.

It was upon his arrival at the battlefield of Chickamauga that those with the President and the thousands that were assembled there got an exhibition of the President's splendid horsemanship. The finest troop of cavalry stationed at Chickamauga rode up to the President's carriage, and a splendid cavalry charger was put at his disposal. He vaulted into the saddle with the ease of the most experienced and graceful cavalryman, and then galloped away at a pace which unsaddled several of the troopers, caused others to lose their caps, and still others to lose their places in the ranks. The President out rode every trooper in the company, and after that there was not a soldier among them who would not have given his life for the Chief Executive. No word or act could have done more to enshrine Theodore Roosevelt in the hearts of the soldiers than his daring ride across the dusty battlefields of Chickamauga that day. And he evidently enjoyed every moment of the experience.
Trip Over the Northwest
Returning from Chattanooga, the President stopped at Knoxville and other points in Tennessee, visited Ashe-ville, North Carolina, and made talks at other points in that State and Virginia on his way back.

Ten days after the return from this tour the President started on a five days' trip over the Northwest, visiting Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and other States. On this trip the great respect and esteem of the people were shown in their reception of his speeches and other joyous greetings.

In 1903 Mr. Roosevelt made a notable fourteen-thou-sand-mile journey across the country from ocean to ocean and through the Southwest. He revisited the scenes in North Dakota of his ranching days and was everywhere received with enthusiastic acclaim. Interesting details of this trip, with summaries of the numerous addresses made by the President en route, have been given by Mr. Addison C. Thomas in his excellent work entitled "Roosevelt Among the People" (The L. W. "Walter Company, Chicago)—a work which received the personal endorsement of Colonel Roosevelt.
Scandalized the Senators
President Roosevelt probably was the only occupant of the White House who ever had boxing matches within its sacred precincts. Mike Donovan used to go there frequently to meet the President. Mr. Roosevelt also used to fence with his old commander, General Leonard Wood, and once nearly disabled the General, it is said. He also staged a motion-picture play in the White House, showing his old Oklahoma friend, Jack Abernathy, killing wolves with his bare hands. Jack was among those present, and so were General Wood and several ambassadors.

It gave great scandal to many reverend senators to see the way in which such successors of Leatherstocking as Abernathy and Bill Sewall went to the White House and got the President's ear for hours at a time. Before Senator Hoar had come to know Mr. Roosevelt as he afterwards did, he went to the White House to remonstrate with him for appointing Ben Daniels marshal of Arizona. Mr. Hoar was one of the most dignified and sedate men in the Senate.

"Mr. President," said Mr. Hoar in horrified accents, "do you know anything about the character of this man Daniels you have appointed to be marshal of Arizona?"

"Why, yes, I think so," said Mr. Roosevelt, "he was a member of my regiment.''

"Do you know," said Mr. Hoar, impressively, "that he has killed three men?"

The President was scandalized. "You don't mean it,'' he said.

"It is a fact," said Mr. Hoar.

The President was thoroughly indignant. He pounded his fist on the table. "When I get hold of Daniels, "'he said,'' I will read him the riot act.   He told me he 'd only killed two."

Mr. Roosevelt had a vigorous vocabulary and was never backward about using it in a fight. He branded so many men as liars that a newspaper humorist coined the name "Ananias Club" and used it to include most of those who had incurred Mr. Roosevelt's enmity. The name stuck and the laugh lasted, but it did not deter Mr. Roosevelt from continuing to call people liars, in plain language, when the occasion and the circumstances seemed to justify him in doing so.
Blinded by a Blow
In all his athletic training and contests Mr. Roosevelt asked no favors of an opponent. He liked to give and take the hardest blows in boxing, as in politics, and no opponent was expected to "go easy" with him, when he was in the White House or at any other time. Nothing illustrates this rule better than an episode which the Colonel himself made public, only after the lapse of twelve years. In October, 1917, in the course of an interview with newspaper men, he told this story in explanation of his relinquishing the practice of boxing:

"When I was President I used to box with one of my aides, a young captain in the artillery. One day he cross-countered me and broke a blood vessel in my left eye. I don't know whether this is known, but I never have been able to see out of that eye since. I thought, as only one good eye was left me, I would not box any longer."

This story was too promising for the newspaper men to let drop without endeavoring to have it amplified by the soldier who delivered the blow.
A few days later, in the New York Times, appeared this interview with Colonel Dan T. Moore, of the United States Army:

camp meade, md., Oct. 27, 1917.—Colonel Dan T. Moore of the 310th Field Artillery Regiment, 79th Division, National Army, admits he struck the blow that destroyed the sight of Colonel Roosevelt's eye. He said:

"I am sorry I struck the blow. I'm sorry the Colonel told about it, and I'm sorry my identity has been so quickly uncovered. I give you my word I never knew I had blinded the Colonel in one eye until I read his statement in the paper a few days ago. I instantly knew, however, that I was the man referred to, because there was no other answering the description he gave who could have done it. I shall write the Colonel a letter expressing my regrets at the serious results of the blow.

"I was a military aide at the White House in 1905. The boxers in the White House gym were the President, Kermit Roosevelt, and myself. The President went farther afield for his opponents in other sports, but when he wanted to don the boxing gloves he chose Kermit or myself."

"Tell about the blow that blinded the President."

"I might as well try to tell about the shell that killed any particular soldier in this war. When you put on gloves with President Roosevelt it was a case of fight all the way, and no man in the ring with him had a chance to keep track of particular blows. A good fast referee might have known, but nobody else. The Colonel wanted plenty of action, and he usually got it. He had no use for a quitter or one who gave ground, and nobody but a man willing to fight all the time and all the way had a chance with him. That's my only excuse for the fact that I seriously injured him. There was no chance to be careful of the blows. He simply wouldn't have stood for it."

Colonel Roosevelt, when informed of Colonel Moore's statement, said: "There is nothing more to say about the matter."

There was Roosevelt the Man all over. What other man, in public or in private life, would have suffered such an injury in silence, and concealed it from even his intimate friends, for a period of twelve years?
Helps Taft to a Nomination
In accordance with his assertion that he would not run for the Presidency again, the President, throughout the year 1908, worked strenuously for the nomination and election of his personal candidate, William H. Taft, then Secretary of War. The Republican Convention met in Chicago on June 18. Mr. Taft was nominated on the first ballot, and the following day James S. Sherman was named for Vice-President.

 CHAPTER THIRTEEN
 IN AFRICA AND EUROPE
Departure for Big-Game Hunting in the African Jungle —Description of a Buffalo Hunt—The Colonel's Vigor and Endurance—Return to Civilisation—Travels in Europe—Honored by Potentates and People—The Incident in Rome—His Return Home—Roosevelt and Taft.
President Roosevelt's elected term in the White House ended on March 4, 1909, when William H. Taft was inaugurated as his successor. On that day Mr. Roosevelt left Washington. His plans were already made for a prolonged hunting trip, in search of big game, in the wilds of Africa.

The nomination and election of Mr. Taft had been undoubtedly due to the initiative and influence of the retiring President. Mr. Taft was his Secretary of War, his friend, and his personal choice for the Presidency. Into the campaign for his election the Colonel had thrown all the weight of his great prestige and popularity, and Mr. Taft was elected by a plurality of 1,269,900 over his Democratic opponent, William J. Bryan. The common expectation therefore was that President Taft would continue Mr. Roosevelt's well-defined policies, particularly in the matter of the conservation of natural resources, and would also retain in office such friends and appointees of Mr. Roosevelt as were especially identified with those policies.
But whether or not any definite agreement existed between the two men as regards the course Mr. Taft should pursue generally in domestic and foreign policies, no person surely knows or knew except the late Colonel Roosevelt and the living ex-President Taft.

It is measurably certain, however, from events that soon developed, that the Colonel was not merely disappointed but actually incensed at Mr. Taft's failure to follow certain Rooseveltian conceptions of policy. It may have been for that reason that Colonel Roosevelt precipitated himself, or was precipitated, into the sensational campaign of the Progressive party in 1912.

Much, however, was to take place in his interesting life before that political explosion shook the forty-eight States. What to do with his abounding energy after leaving the Presidency had been in Colonel Roosevelt's mind for many months. He had talked it over with his famous "Tennis Cabinet," all good friends and good sportsmen, and had come to the decision that his yearning for the relaxation of outdoor adventure and big-game shooting would find its heartiest expression in Africa.

Departure for Africa
After a short period of comparative quiet in preparation for his African trip, he sailed for the Mediterranean on March 23, 1909.
He went to Africa as most men would go on an ordinary vacation hunting trip. Accompanied by his son, Kermit, and a modest entourage, he aimed at the acquisition of specimens of the fauna and flora of the little-known regions of the Dark Continent, as well as the thrills of big-game shooting. Kermit was to act as the photographer of the party.

No time was lost en route to the hunting grounds, the party being joined before going into the interior of Africa by R. J. Cuninghame, the famous hunter of big game.

The expedition was in the wilderness until the middle of the following March, during which time it was almost completely cut off from communication with the outer world. One result was a collection which scientists have said was of unusual value to students of natural history. His experiences have been described by Colonel Roosevelt in his "African Game Trails," published by Charles Scribner's Sons.

Hunting the African Buffalo
One of the experiences he had long been anticipating was the shooting of buffalo. The former President hunted buffalo to his heart's content on Heatley's Ranch, which comprised some 20,000 acres between the Rewero and Kamiti rivers, and was seventeen miles long and four miles wide. The Kamiti was described as a queer little stream, running through a dense, broad swamp of tall papyrus, the home of a buffalo herd numbering one hundred individuals, and was all but impenetrable.

"There is no doubt," Colonel Roosevelt wrote, "that under certain circumstances buffalo, in addition to showing themselves exceedingly dangerous opponents when wounded by hunters, become truculent and inclined to take the offensive themselves. There are places in East Africa where as regards at least certain herds this seems to be the case; and in Uganda the buffalo have caused such loss of life and such damage to the native plantations that they are now ranked as vermin and not as game, and their killing is encouraged in every possible way."

Continuing with his description of a hunt in Heatley's swamp the hunter-naturalist goes on:

"Cautiously threading our way along the edge of the swamp we got within 150 yards of the buffalo before we were perceived. There were four bulls, grazing close by the edge of the swamp, their black bodies glistening in the early sun rays, their massive horns showing white, and the cow herons perched on their backs. They stared sullenly at us with outstretched heads from under their great frontlets of horn.

"The biggest of the four stood a little out from the other three, and at him I fired, the bullet telling with a smack on the tough hide and going through the lungs. We had been afraid they would at once turn into the papyrus, but instead of this they started straight across our front, directly for the open country.

"This was a piece of huge good luck. Kermit put his first barrel into the second bull and I my second barrel into one of the others, after which it became impossible to say which bullet struck which animal, as the firing became general. They ran a quarter of a mile into the open, and then the big bull I had first shot, and which had no other bullet in him, dropped dead, while the other three, all of which were wounded, halted beside him.

Dropped One at Long Range
"We walked toward them rather expecting a charge, but when we were still over 200 yards away they started back for the swamp and we began firing. The distance being long, I used my Winchester. Aiming well before one bull he dropped to the shot as if poleaxed, falling straight on his back with his legs kicking, but in a moment he was up again and after the others. Later I found that the bullet, a full metal patch, had struck him in the head but did not penetrate the brain, and merely stunned him for the moment.
"All the time we kept running diagonally to their line of flight. They were all three badly wounded, and when they reached the tall rank grass, high as a man's head, which fringed the papyrus swamp, the two foremost lay down, while the last one, the one I had floored with the "Winchester, turned, and with nose outstretched began to come toward us. He was badly crippled, however, and with a soft-nosed bullet from my heavy Holland I knocked him down, this time for good. The other two then rose, and though each was again hit they reached the swamp, one of them to our right, the other to the left, where the papyrus came out in a point."
With Roosevelt in Africa
As well qualified, perhaps, as any other man to give personal reminiscences of Theodore Roosevelt as a hunter is B. M. Newman, the travel-lecturer. He was with the Colonel on the famous hunting trip.

For seven months they were together in Africa. That meant that they were leaders of a large hunting party, consisting of eight white men and 375 savages. Colonel Roosevelt was under contract to his publishers for a series of articles, and Mr. Newman was, of course, seeking material for his subsequent lectures.

"We met," said Mr. Newman, "at Juja farm as the guests of "William Northrup Macmillan of St. Louis. The farm was near Nairobi—and by near I mean a ride of two days by horseback. Nairobi is the capital of British East Africa.

"The Macmillan bungalow was a comfortable place, roughly built, but furnished much as an American home would be, and lighted by its own electric plant. From the porch of that bungalow it was possible to see many scores of wild animals near at hand, but no hunting was permitted in the immediate vicinity.

"Our long trips took us into the wilds and together we penetrated the jungles, the Colonel out walking all the rest and often wearing out the men in attendance. Tired as the other members of the party were at night after one of the arduous days, Colonel Roosevelt was never too weary to sit up far into the night reading or writing. I mention this to show the vigor and endurance of the man. He carried with him to Africa a large number of books, for his reading was extensive and varied.

"In our long talks, continued Mr. Newman, "around the camp fire or on our walks there were some outstanding characteristics that I noted particularly. These were the man's Americanism—his belief in and hope for American ideals and principles; and next to that his joy and pride in his family. I should have called him the ideal father. His views on matrimony and the duty of bringing up children are well known, and these were frequent subjects of conversation between us, the Colonel always maintaining that an unmarried man or woman was an abomination in the sight of the Lord."

"What of the truth of the statement that Colonel Roosevelt was fond of killing and wantonly destroyed life?"

"I should say there was no truth in it," stoutly declared Mr. Newman. "He hunted only in the interest of science, collecting rare animals, and with the exception of lions, which are considered vermin in South Africa, detested by the farmer, he killed only such animals as were needed for his collection. In fact, when I asked him at the beginning of our hunt whether he was a good shot, he answered 'I shoot often.'
"His one stipulation when he formed our party was that the subject of politics should be taboo. The Colonel had just finished his second term as President, and was in need of a complete change. That was the reason he chose lion hunting in Africa. We adhered strictly to our agreement, but sometimes the Colonel would tell of some experience.
"No fight was ever too hot for him, and he admired nothing more than a man who was a good fighter. He had no use for a 'mollycoddle' or a 'quitter.' Many a time he has said of some opponent, 'My! Didn't he give me a bully fight?'

"His versatility was remarkable, anclon nearly every subject he was not only at home, but an authority. This I gathered from the respect with which experts treated his statements. "Whether it was banking, farming or advising the British in the treatment of the natives, his opinions were seriously considered."

Summing up Colonel Roosevelt's virtues, Mr. Newman called him "positive in his views, decided in his principles, but yet tolerant of religious beliefs different from his own; loyal to friends, gentle in his affections, a great companion, a great man.''

Travels in Europe
At the close of the African expedition, Colonel Roosevelt spent the spring and early summer months of 1910 in traveling through Egypt, Continental Europe, and England, accepting many invitations to make public addresses in those countries. Everywhere he was welcomed with popular and official ovations suggestive of royal distinction. He received honorary degrees from the universities of Cairo, Christiania, Berlin, Cambridge and Oxford.
Hobnobbed with the Kaiser
As a former President, his tour through Europe was both triumphant and sensational. He hobnobbed a ith the German Kaiser, lectured at the Sorbonne and at Oxford University, was received with high honors in Sweden and Holland, and roused a storm in London by his speech at the Guildhall. It was in this speech that he lectured England on her duty in Egypt. He displayed an extraordinary familiarity with Egyptian affairs, but brought down upon himself a tempest of criticism by saying:

"Now, either you have the right to be in Egypt or you have not. Either it is or is not your duty to establish and keep order. If you feel you have not the right to be in Egypt, if you do not wish to establish and keep order there, why, then, by all means get out.

"As I hope you feel that your duty to civilized mankind and your fealty to your own great traditions alike bid you to stay, then make the fact and name agree; and show that you are ready to meet in very deed the responsibility which is yours.''

The criticism which this speech brought down on Roosevelt, to do the English justice, did not come from them; it came chiefly from scandalized Americans, who were horrified at the idea of a fellow-American undertaking to lecture a friendly power on its problems. The English took it very well and seemed to like it. France criticized it and Germany was bitter.
Fought on Enemy's Ground
In France, Roosevelt followed his usual policy of intrepidly attacking what he believed to be local evils in their home. It was not in London nor in Berlin that he preached Ms anti-race suicide doctrine; it was in Paris. It was from the same motive that impelled him when during his campaign for the Presidency in 1912 he refrained from attacking the Democratic party until he got into the South, the home and birthplace of the Democratic party, and delivered his blast against it. If there had been anything timorous about him he would have made his attack in Minnesota, where it would have been safe. Instead, he picked out Atlanta, where it is almost treason to say a word against Democracy, and where his audience was made up entirely of Democrats.
His defiant challenge was met by a roar from the audience. Their intention of howling him down and keeping him from having a hearing was manifest from the moment he began his assault. For five minutes the tumult went on. It seemed as if his speaking were at an end. Roosevelt suddenly adopted one of the most unusual weapons ever employed by a stump speaker. There was a table near him, and he leaped upon it. The riotous mob was startled into stillness; they had no idea of his purpose, and they waited to see what he would do. Before they could recover from their surprise he had shot half a dozen sentences at them, and by that time they had come under the spell and were willing to give him a hearing.
This story had nothing to do with Roosevelt's European tour and is told out of its regular order, but it is a good illustration of the way in which the Colonel always showed his courage by picking out the places where he knew any particular doctrine of his would be particularly unpalatable. When he had a message, he tried to deliver it where it would do most good.
Stirred Widespread Comment
The demonstrations of the European countries, the appearance of an American before learned bodies of foreign countries whom he addressed frequently in their own languages, his advice to the young Egyptians, and his Guildhall speech in England awakened a severe analysis of Roosevelt not so much as a statesman, for his administrative achievements were reasonably well known, but as a scholar, reader, student and author.

His knowledge of general linguistic law was masterly and he was a scholar of the first rank in the classics. The savants of the Sorbonne heard him address them in as flawless French as they themselves could employ, and he spoke German with all the fluency of a highly-educated native. His knowledge of Spanish made interpreters superfluous on his South American travels, and he was equally familiar with Italian and other tongues.

How the Colonel, in his crowded years, had ever found time to equip himself thus thoroughly in this direction was always a matter of wonderment to his friends.
The Incident in Rome
Colonel Roosevelt's progress through Europe on his return from the jungle was indeed a triumph such as never before had been accorded to an American citizen. He was everywhere t sated as if he were the ruler of a nation making a toui Even General Grant's journey around the world did n t compare with it.

In Home occurred one of the most sensational incidents of Mr. Roosevelt's career, and there have been few which so well illustrate his character. An audience had been arranged for him with the Pope. Some time before the Pope had refused to see former Vice President Fairbanks because that gentleman had made an address to the Methodists in Borne.
A message was conveyed to Colonel Roosevelt through the American Ambassador in the following terms:

'' The Holy Father will be delighted to grant audience to Mr. Roosevelt on April 5 and hopes nothing will arise to prevent, such as the much-regretted incident which made the reception of Mr. Fairbanks impossible."

The Colonel immediately sent the following to Ambassador Leishman:

'' It would be a real pleasure to me to be presented to the Holy Father, for whom I entertain a high respect, both personally and as the head of a great Church. I fully recognize his entire right to receive or not to receive whomsoever he chooses, for any reason that seems good to him, and if he does not receive me I shall not for one moment question the propriety of his action.

"On the other hand, I, in my turn, must decline to' make any conditions which in any way limit my freedom. I trust on April 5 he will find it convenient to receive me."

The answer was conveyed through the Ambassador, that "the audience could not take place except on the understanding expressed in the former message."

Colonel Roosevelt instantly replied: "Proposed presentation is, of course, now impossible."

The Methodists of Rome undertook to make capital out of the incident and issued a statement attacking the Pope. Colonel Roosevelt immediately rebuked them by cancelling an appointment he had made to meet them at a reception at Mr. Leishman's home. He wanted it made clear that he had no sectarian prejudices and had stood simply on his rights as an American citizen.
His Return Home
He came back to his own country, having had a "bully time," almost at the outset of the campaign for Governor in New York State in 1910, and the reception he got from New York City and the nation still stands as the most spontaneous outburst of admiration and respect for a citizen that the country ever showed. No man who participated in it that brilliant day upon the North River, when the former President's yacht passed up a line of saluting warships, when he himself stood upon the bridge, his eyes filled with tears; when all the whistles were blasting a merry salute, and when thousands were weeping from the sheer emotion of a great moment, can ever forget the day.

Becoming at once "contributing editor" of The Outlook, he wrote essays on politics, economics, and social matters until he threw himself with characteristic energy into the campaign in behalf of his old friend and associate in government, Henry L. Stimson, the Republican candidate for Governor. He beat the Republican Old Guard in the convention fight at Syracuse, carrying everything before his electric energy, but he could not elect Stimson, the State turning to the Democracy that year.
Roosevelt and Taft
A coolness that had sprung up between the Colonel and Mr. Taft in the period between the election and the inauguration of the latter, was increased by the reports that reached Colonel Roosevelt as he emerged from the African jungle; and when he reached the United States in June, 1910, he was already an opponent of Taft. The coolness probably had its origin in little things, but was intensified when it became evident that President Taft intended to change the Roosevelt policies in important respects and to remove Colonel Roosevelt's friends from office.

The results of the breach between the two were important and far-reaching, and it was not until they shook hands with each other at a Union League dinner in New York in 1916 that the breach was publicly healed. But many things happened to both Roosevelt and Taft before that day of reconciliation arrived.

The Colonel because once more an active factor in politics in the fall of 1910, after his return from Europe. As Mr. Taft's administration drew toward its close, from every part of the country there came in 1912 a strong demand that Theodore Roosevelt be again a candidate for the Presidency. For a long time the Colonel was silent; then a infinite opportunity was afforded him to decide an 1 speak.

 CHAPTER FOURTEEN
 THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY
Roosevelt Chosen at the Primaries for President, but Denied a Nomination by the Bosses—Birth of the "Bull Moose" Party—He Is Nominated as Its Standard Bearer—Shot by a Crank in Milwaukee—His Courage and Endurance—Results of the Campaign— Taft Defeated and Wilson Elected.
As the time approached for the Presidential nominations in 1912, President Taft, relying on precedent, was an avowed candidate to succeed himself. But the people at large were more concerned with the attitude of Theodore Roosevelt. His friends, through the press and on the public platform, had been for some time attacking President Taft's policies, and the result was a factional fight within the Republican party all over the land.

The insurgent or progressive element in the Republican party planned early in 1911 to defeat the renomination of President Taft, and after several conferences among leading progressive Senators it was decided to put forward Robert M. La Follette as the candidate. A La Follette boom was started and carried on all through that year. But a large element among the Progressives was dissatisfied and wanted the nomination of Roosevelt.

The Roosevelt talk would not down. The Colonel himself was noncommittal, but it was evident that he was not displeased with the situation. The Roosevelt talk steadily waxed and the La Follette boom as steadily waned.
Popular opinion in favor of another nomination for the Colonel finally crystallized into a formal request by the Governors of seven states that he give a definite answer to the question, "Will you run for the Presidency in this campaign ?''

In an open letter to the Governors, Colonel Roosevelt then announced his candidacy and began a characteristic campaign -of speeches to win the Republican nomination at Chicago by the votes of the people in the Presidential primaries which were to be held for the first time, under a new law. He was criticized for his candidacy in view of what was regarded as his pledge when he said just after his election in 1904 that he would not again seek the Presidency, out of respect for the two-term tradition. But he believed his candidacy to be justified by the popular demand and the fact that he had had only one elected term in the White House. In characteristic terms he said: "My hat is in the ring," and his friends rallied to that slogan.

The Progressive Party Born
The stirring events of the Presidential primary, the conventions, and the campaign of 1912 will be long remembered. Out of the conflict of clashing claims within the Republican party, Colonel Roosevelt emerged with a very large majority over Mr. Taft of the votes cast in the primary election. Then, chosen by the people to be their standard bearer, he was denied the regular nomination of the Republican party when the National Convention met in June at Chicago, because of the action of the Republican National Committee in unseating Roosevelt delegates and qualifying Taft delegates in their stead.

Pennsylvania Republicans had given Roosevelt 130,000 majority over Taft in the preferential primary; Illinois had given him 150,000 majority; Ohio, 47,000; California, 77,000. Wisconsin, Maine, Maryland, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota, Kansas, Oklahoma, West Virginia, North Carolina, and other states, had also elected Roosevelt delegates by large majorities—but these delegates were refused seats in the National Convention by autocratic, steam-roller action of the party bosses that was as intolerable as it was unprecedented. The convention as finally organized stood 564 for Taft and 510 for Roosevelt.

Colonel Roosevelt publicly declared that he was being robbed of the nomination, and before the Republican convention had completed its cut-and-dried work of re-nominating Mr. Taft, the Roosevelt partisans, already called Progressives, left the convention in a body and reassembled in Orchestra Hall, Chicago, where the Progressive party was officially formed as a protest against the action of the Republican National Committee.

Then followed feverish days with plans being hurriedly made for the calling of a convention of all Progressives. It was finally determined to hold a convention at Chicago on August 5, and there and at that time Theodore Roosevelt was nominated by a gathering which seemed actuated by a deeply religious inspiration. Against Taft and Roosevelt, the Democratic party nominated Woodrow Wilson, then Governor of the State of New Jersey and before that president of Princeton University.

Mr. Roosevelt's running mate on the ticket was Hiram A. Johnson of California, while Mr. Taft's was James S. Sherman of New York.

The national platform of the new Progressive party was a remarkable declaration of its objects and aims. It declared for social and industrial justice in ringing terms, and for many political reforms that appealed strongly to the popular mind.

The Colonel plunged into the ensuing campaign with all his wonted energy, and soon uttered a phrase that nicknamed the new party. "I feel like a bull moose," he said, and "Bull Moose" the Progressive party was called thereafter.
Shot by a Maniac
On October 14, 1912, when the Presidential campaign was at its height, Colonel Roosevelt had arrived in Milwaukee when he was shot by John Schrank, a New Yorker who was found to be a maniac. The Colonel was just seating himself in an automobile for the drive to the hall where he was to deliver an important address, when Schrank sent the bullet into his chest at short range.

On the instant there was a movement to deal summarily with Schrank, but Colonel Roosevelt was cool, and himself restrained the crowd until Schrank was taken properly into custody.

The bullet, having passed through the candidate's heavy overcoat and his other clothing, pages of manuscript and his spectacle case, had penetrated only two inches into the right breast. He was able to proceed to the Auditorium, and against the advice of friends and physicians made a speech lasting fifty-three minutes.

This feat, which drew the applause of the world and caused all Americans, irrespective of their political beliefs, to glory in such an indomitable will and such fortitude, seemed to produce no ill effects. The candidate went to his home in Oyster Bay within a fortnight after being taken to a hospital in Chicago, and there continued his campaign by statements and messages to his followers through prominent Progressive political leaders.
At the time of the shooting one of Colonel Roosevelt's companions was Charles E. Merriam of Chicago, afterward Captain Merriam. At a memorial meeting in January, 1919, after the Colonel's death, Captain Merriam told the story of the assassin's attempt and  Roosevelt's fortitude, as follows:

    I had the honor to be with him on the fateful day when his life was attempted in Milwaukee. I had gone with him on a special train to Milwaukee that day and was to help in the speaking in Milwaukee. I went down in the automobile ahead of Colonel Roosevelt and did not hear the shot. I was to address an overflow meeting in an adjoining building, but having some trouble in finding my way I walked back again toward the stage. There came rushing down the aisle the chairman of the meeting, wringing his hands and saying, "My God, they have shot him; he is killed.'' I said, '' Whom do you mean ?"  " Why,'' he said, "the Colonel, they've killed him."

I rushed back to the stage, back of the wings and there was Colonel Roosevelt standing with a group of men around him, only he was trying to throw them off and they apparently were endeavoring to hold him and he was throwing their hands aside; they were struggling to stop him from speaking and he was fighting to go on the stage and make what he thought his last public address. He would not permit anyone to examine his wounds; he insisted on going before the people and making his speech.

It occurred to me that the wise thing to do would be to adjourn the meeting by telling the people that the speaker had been shot and suggesting that they go home. I am sure I would have incurred his everlasting enmity if I had done so, and it was decided the best policy to pursue was to allow him to appear before the people and say probably a few words, hoping that would satisfy him. We agreed upon this course and he advanced to make his speech. But I will never forget, as I stood back in the hall thinking he would speak a few words and then I would go on. I can hear him again in his high-keyed voice say, "Ladies and gentlemen, you will pardon me if I cut my remarks somewhat short; but the fact is I have just been shot.''

LIFE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT

Well, some people laughed and some jeered and most of them were startled beyond measure.

It was probably the most dramatic speech, certainly the most dramatic opening ever made by a great public leader in America. I stood there for a few minutes until I saw he was going to make his whole talk. I went out and addressed my overflow meeting of perhaps a thousand people in the neighboring hall. I spoke hurriedly, perhaps twenty or twenty-five minutes, and then came dashing back.

When I returned the Colonel was still standing, still speaking. His voice, however, was much feebler than normal. He was swaying from side to side as if he might at any moment collapse or fall. They had stationed a man in front of him, one in back of him and one on each side to catch him in case he would fall, but he went on and concluded the address that he had marked out for himself to make, and at the end of the speech which he successfully completed he was taken to the hospital.

I went with some of the other parties to the police station, where we examined or helped to examine the unfortunate creature who had fired the bullet, Schrank was his name. This individual told the reasons why he had fired the shot, that you will remember. He had been influenced by the heated campaign to believe that Colonel Roosevelt was a menace to the American Republic. He said he had two visions in which McKinley had appeared to him, and McKinley had told him to go and avenge his death by assassinating Roosevelt, and on the strength of these two visions (evidence of a crazy man) he had followed Roosevelt from one end of the country to the other. He had followed him to Atlanta, Ga., where he almost fired the shot; he followed him to Chicago, where a reception was given to him at the Hotel LaSalle in 1912, and there he stated he stood outside the door of the Hotel LaSalle when Colonel Roosevelt was as near to him as that chair is to me (pointing), and he could have killed him. We asked him why he did not shoot, and he said that they were giving a reception to him and it would not have been polite to kill a man at a reception.

He then waited until that night when he was lying in ambush at the Coliseum, but as some of you recall, the crowd assembled at the Coliseum was so large that they filled the streets for blocks and blocks; ten thousand people stood there unable to gain admission. So we brought the Colonel around the back alley, in through the rear entrance and the intention of the assassin was foiled.

Then he learned that Colonel Roosevelt was to speak in Milwaukee. He took the regular train and got there earlier, while we went up by special train. He waited outside the train until Colonel Roosevelt finished his dinner, and there only by the slightest chance did he accomplish the fulfillment of his purpose. He stood on the curb, close to the automobile in which Colonel Roosevelt was, standing with his revolver pointed at Colonel Roosevelt's heart. As he was about to fire, it happened that someone in the crowd raised that familiar shout, "Hello, Teddy!" and Teddy had turned with his familiar gesture like that (indicating) and threw up his hand, and as he put up his hand Schrank fired, and instead of striking the heart it struck him in the right hand and thereby by a combination of circumstances the bullet hit Roosevelt's spectacle case, and some two or three speeches that he had in his pocket folded up and the web of his suspenders had glanced it off to one side; otherwise the bullet, penetrating the heart, probably would have succeeded in destroying his victim.

We came down with Colonel Roosevelt in his car to Chicago, and of all the men upon the train Colonel Roosevelt was by all odds the calmest and the coolest. About 11 o 'clock at night he asked for his shaving apparatus and for a glass of milk, and after drinking the milk he slept calmly during the night. He was the only man that did sleep. That shows the iron courage and his tremendous physical vitality and tenacity upon life.

How He Felt After Being Shot
Here ?.s a part of the speech Colonel Roosevelt made in Milwaukee on October 14,1912, just after the bullet of erratic John Schrank had lodged in his chest. It was declaratory in that dramatic moment of his joy in life and leadership:

"I do not care a rap about being shot, not a rap. The bullet is in me now, so that I cannot make a very long speech. But I will try my best. First of all I want to say this about myself. I have altogether too many important things to think of to pay any heed or feel any concern over my own death. Now I would not speak to you insincerely within five minutes of being shot. I am telling you the literal truth when I say that my concern is for many other things.

"I want you to understand that I am ahead of the game anyway. No man has had a happier life than I have had, a happy life in every way. I have been able to do certain things that I greatly wished to do, and I am interested in doing other things.''

Wilson Is Elected
As had been quite generally foreseen, the campaign of 1912 resulted in the defeat of both Taft and Roosevelt, and the election, without a popular majority, of Woodrow Wilson. But Colonel Roosevelt made a wonderful race against the Democratic candidate and received more votes than the nominee of the Republican machine. The popular vote stood: Wilson, 6,286,214; Roosevelt, 4,126,020; Taft, 3,483,922. Of the votes in the Electoral College, Colonel Roosevelt obtained 88 and Mr. Taft 8. Thus ended the famous fight of 1912, with the Republican party apparently hopelessly divided. The election proved absolutely that the Colonel had a hold upon a vast section of the American people that nothing whatsoever could break. Against his personal popularity the political bosses and all other antagonists exerted themselves in vain.

Proved Cleanness of Life
While the campaign was in progress stories were spread widely by word of mouth that Colonel Roosevelt was a drunkard. He determined that as soon as this slander appeared in any responsible newspaper, he would settle it for all time by a libel suit. Similar stories, he said, were circulated to this day about other public men equally guiltless and now dead, because they never deemed them worthy of contradiction in their lifetime.
Presently the charge appeared in a newspaper called Iron Ore, published in Ishpeming, Mich., and Colonel Roosevelt promptly sued for libel. The suit was tried in May, 1913, and the array of witnesses that the plaintiff produced never was equaled in any suit in recent times. Admirals, generals, Cabinet officers, Senators, Governors, authors, newspaper men, and, in fact, all the men who had been intimately associated with the Colonel, appeared to give their testimony, and they testified not only to his temperance in drinking, but to his cleanness of life and speech. It was a tribute to be proud of, and the testimony completely exonerated him from the loose and unfounded charge.

 CHAPTER FIFTEEN 
THE PRIVATE CITIZEN
Trip to South America—Lectures in Principal Cities Followed by Exploration of the Brazilian Jungle—• The "River of Doubt"—Visits to England and Spain —The Barnes Libel Suit—Outbreak of the Great War—The Campaign of 1916—He Declines Another Nomination.
Those who expected Theodore Roosevelt to be downcast over the result of the election of 1912 little knew the man. He believed that he had been in the right, that his candidacy had been fully justified, and he accepted the result with perfect equanimity. He was always a good loser, and resumed his literary labors as a private citizen without undue regrets.

In the summer of 1913, Colonel Roosevelt was invited to go to Argentina and deliver lectures on economic problems. He accepted the invitation, and then decided that, while he was about it, he would seize the opportunity to go into the interior of South America for exploration and hunting. He sailed on October 4,1913.

After filling his lecture engagements he plunged into the unknown primeval forests of Brazil, hunting, exploring, scientifically probing, enduring dreadful hardships, and coming several times within an ace of losing his life.

He nearly starved to death. He contracted a fever which possibly undermined his constitution. Some doctors have said so. But he gained the glory of putting a new river upon the map, the Kio da Duvia, "The River of Doubt." The Government of Brazil officially, after investigation had proved the explorer's claims, recognized the achievement, and further to honor a man greatly respected in Pan-American countries, renamed the river "Rio Teodoro."

During the South American trip the former President was given ovations in Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and other cities where he made addresses.

Returning to the United States late in May, 1914, he sailed almost immediately for England and paid a visit to Spain. From this trip he returned late in June, a few weeks before the outbreak of the Great War.

Colonel Roosevelt was a sick man when he returned .to New York from South America. Fever was burning him and sores acquired in the jungle marked his body. It was a fairly long time, for him, before he could resume his usual aggressive activities.

The Barnes Libel Suit
In April of 1915, however, when William Barnes of Albany, then the so-called boss of the Republican party of the State, essayed to destroy Colonel Roosevelt's prestige by a libel suit, alleging that the Colonel had called him a corrupt boss, he was fit and ready for one of the greatest fights in his career, for fight it was, though staged in the dignified precincts of the Supreme Court of the State.

It stands, and will stand, as one of the great cases at law concerning libel. Colonel Roosevelt's chief counsel was the late John R. Bowers, no courtroom orator, but one of the shrewdest planners within the strategy of the law that ever bowed before the bench.

Mr. Barnes' chief counsel was the late William M. Ivins, a true orator, though scarcely less skillful than Mr. Bowers at legal strategy. But Mr. Ivins was hopelessly handicapped in that he had no Colonel Roosevelt for a chief witness.

From the moment the trial began until it ended with a complete victory for him and a virtual ruling by the jury (since that was the issue presented) in favor of Colonel Roosevelt's opinion of Mr. Barnes, the Colonel dominated the courtroom. He dominated it and electrified it.

His intensely magnetic and interest-compelling qualities were so strongly provoked during the six days and a half that he was under cross-examination by Mr. Ivins that even the judge on the bench found himself laughing aloud or half applauding.

At times the courtroom broke into a storm of cheering when Colonel Roosevelt was able to refute by his own extraordinary memory or out of an immensely competent filing-case of letters and documents (he seemed to have preserved everything in the way of correspondence received and copies of correspondence sent), statements made against his honor, his sincerity, his good faith, and his devotion to democracy.

On the witness stand he poured out of his active brain, words that filled a dozen columns of every big newspaper in the country for days on end. At the conclusion of the trial, the jury stood first 11 to 1 for Roosevelt, the one being Edward Burns, a Democrat. When the jury was sent back to ponder, the one came around and the verdict was solidly for Roosevelt.
Meeting With Chancellor Day
"It is too bad," says a chronicler of the period, "that no dictaphone was installed one night during the Barnes libel trial session, when Colonel Roosevelt was a guest at the home of Chancellor Day of Syracuse University, with whom in earlier years he had had more than one controversy, Dr. Day being the stanch friend and defender of the late John D. Archbold, whom the Colonel had once had occasion to put in the Ananias Club.

'' Their meeting was a little formal for three minutes, at the end of which the Colonel found out that the Chancellor too had once lived in the still wild West. From then till past midnight they sat close together, roaring and chuckling and slapping one another on the knee as they matched good frontier stories. The rest of the company listened in a kind of awed delight.'' The Colonel and a Boy

During that same visit of the Colonel to Syracuse he kept up his horseback exercise, riding about the residence streets on a mount which a local admirer had loaned. One afternoon a prominent Syracusan looked up from his newspaper on the front porch and called to his wife upstairs: 

"There goes Theodore Roosevelt on horseback."

At the moment the six-year-old son of the house was in the bathtub and in nothing else. He heard his father, rushed scampering and pattering downstairs, out the front door, and right down the walk to the middle of the street, hoping for a glimpse of his great idol. That night at a reception the father told the Colonel of it.

"By George—by George!"—and the chuckle. "You bring that boy to me—I want to see him!" He was brought, duly clad, and was mounted for half an hour on the Roosevelt knee, and told stories about Injuns and lions and giraffes and grizzlies and "my grandchildren"; when taken home, in a trance state, and measured, was found, it is solemnly asserted, to have grown an inch!
The Campaign of 1916
As the Republican National Convention of 1916 approached, it was obvious that Colonel Roosevelt desired the nomination for the Presidency, not only from his own newly created party, the Progressives, but if he could get it, from the old-line Republican organization. There is no doubt also, that throughout the country there was a strong popular sentiment for the Colonel. People were weary of partisan strife. They would no doubt have supported Colonel Roosevelt in far larger numbers than his opponents estimated.

But the sentiment of the regular Republican leaders was unalterably opposed to his selection. They could not forget 1912. They went to Chicago with delegations described as "handpicked," delegations that nothing could sway or stampede from a coldly resolved upon course. At the same time the Progressive party met in Chicago with one candidate—Roosevelt, though it delayed naming him until it could see what the Republicans would do. They were eventful, thrilling days, though the outcome was another disappointment for the man from Oyster Bay.

The Republicans named Charles E. Hughes, taking him from the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States, after it had declined to listen to Colonel Roosevelt’s suggestion to nominate either Senator Henry Cabot Lodge or General Leonard Wood. At Colonel Roosevelt's own insistence, which virtually dissolved the Progressive party then and there, his name was eliminated by them and they named a candidate for Vice-President only.

The result, of course, is well-known recent history. Mr. "Wilson again being successful, though by the narrowest margin and largely on the score of Ms persistent promise to keep the country out of the European war that had been raging for two years.

Opposed by Pacifists
Perhaps a certain knowledge of how Colonel Roosevelt would conduct himself and his country, were he to be elected, arrayed against him all of the pacifists, the timid, the non-understanding, that feared the mere mention of American participation. Except for a few weeks at the outset of the great conflict, when he held himself in check because of the President's pronouncement for perfect neutrality, he was never at a loss as to the real meaning of the conflict, as to the brutal ambition of the Central Powers, as to the peril not only to Europe but to America herself if the Germans should win.

He arose in all of the energy and might of his intellect and called upon America to awake to a realization of her peril. He burned with anger at the injustice of the invasion of Belgium, at the enormities practiced there and in France or wherever the German foot trod. He spoke in blasting anger against the U-boat warfare that destroyed American ships and lives as nonchalantly as it destroyed the ships and the lives of the then belligerent Powers. He had no patience with President Wilson's slow-going, tolerant attitude toward the war.

In May, 1915, Colonel Roosevelt was thrown from his horse while riding near his Oyster Bay home and suffered a broken rib; and he disclosed late in 1917, as already stated, that while boxing in the White House in 1905 he received a blow which had destroyed the sight of one of his eyes.

During the trouble on the Mexican border in 1915 Colonel Roosevelt was a critic of President Wilson's Mex-Lean policy, and from the beginning of the European War in 1914 he urged that this country join the conflict on the side of the Allies. When, in April, 1917, the United States did declare war on Germany, Colonel Roosevelt offered himself and a division of troops to be recruited from 285,000 volunteers for active service in France. This offer was refused by the War Department, and Colonel Roosevelt did not engage personally in war work, except in a civilian capacity, although his four sons, Theodore, Jr., Kermit, Archibald, and Quentin, and Dr. Richard Derby, the husband of his daughter Ethel, all volunteered for active service and were assigned to duty in Europe.

In the New York gubernatorial campaign of 1918 Colonel Roosevelt followed a neutral course and backed the organization candidate for Governor.
Leader of Public Opinion
Recurrent illnesses vexed him in the last years of his life, all signifying the breaking down of a wonderful constitution and of a body that had lived—what shall one say?—a century, no doubt, of the life of ordinary men. But to the day of his death he remained the leader of a tremendous section of the American people—of all, indeed, who maintained hard-headed views about the proper terms of peace as they maintained hard-headed views about the way the war should be waged, and as to when America should have entered the conflict.

Upon this tremendous mass of public opinion Theodore Roosevelt never lost his grip. He was the leader, and so he remained till the breath was out of his body. His courage of mind and heart was never better displayed than when men who had been his own friends rebuked him for assailing the President's courses, which to Colonel Roosevelt seemed to lack the force, decision, and vision necessary in the leader of the whole people. Though the criticism touched him, he never flinched from what he considered his duty to America. When he hit, he hit very hard, and Theodore Roosevelt the private citizen wielded an influence greater than that of any other individual in American history.

Views on Various Topics
Following are some quotations from addresses by Colonel Roosevelt, which show his versatility and his views on many subjects:

From Sorbonne, Paris, lecture, April 23, 1910:

"The greatest of all curses is the curse of sterility and the severest of all condemnations should be visited upon the willful sterile. The first essential in any civilization is that the man and the woman shall be father and mother of healthy children, so that the race shall increase and not decrease.

"It is not the critic that counts; not the man who points out how the strong man stumbles, or where the doer of deeds could have done them better. The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena, whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly, who errs, and comes short again and again, because there is no effort without error and shortcoming; but who does actually strive to do the deeds. Shame on the man of cultivated taste who permits refinement to develop in a fastidiousness that unfits him for doing the rough work of a workaday world."
From address at Detroit, Mich., May 18,1916:

"The pacifists of today, the peace-at-any-price men, are the spiritual and moral heirs of the men who denounced and opposed Washington; of the men who denounced and voted against Abraham Lincoln.

"The working man, like the farmer and the business man, must be a patriot first or he is unfit to live in America; and the first duty of all patriots is to see that we are able to prevent alien conquerors from dictating our home policies.

"I believe in a thoroughly efficient navy, the second in size in the world.

"No nation will ever attack a unified and prepared America."
From a statement as President on November 8,1904: "I am deeply sensible of the honor done me by the American people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have done and have tried to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn responsibility this confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do all that in my power lies not to forfeit it"
From speech delivered at Auditorium, Chicago, September 3, 1903:

"There is a homely old adage which runs: 'Speak softly and carry a big stick; you will go far.' If the American nation will speak softly, and yet build and keep at a pitch of the highest training a thoroughly efficient navy, the Monroe doctrine will go far."
From address at Logansport, Ind., September 24, 1902:

"It is the merest truism to say that in the modern world industrialism is the great factor in the growth of nations. Material prosperity is the foundation upon which a very mighty national structure must be built. Of course there must be more than this. There must be a highly moral purpose, a life of the spirit which finds its expression in many different ways; but unless material prosperity exists also there is scant room in which to develop the higher life."
From lecture on "The World Movement" at the University of Berlin, May 12, 1910:

"It is no impossible dream to build up a civilization ^ in which morality, ethical development, and a true feeling of brotherhood shall all alike be divorced from false sentimentality, and from the rancorous and evil passions which, curiously enough, so often accompany professions of sentimental attachment to the rights of man."

"This world movement of civilization which is now felt throbbing in every corner of the globe, should bind the nations of the world together while yet leaving unimpaired that love of country in the individual citizen which in the present stage of the world's progress is essential to the world's well being."

"Unjust war is to be abhorred; but woe to the nation that does not make ready to hold its own in time of need against all who would harm it; and woe thrice to the nation in which the average man loses the fighting edge, loses the power to serve as a soldier if the day of need should arise."
Theodore  Roosevelt was a great maker of epigrams. The short and pithy phrases of his coinage now are part of the language of the country. It will be long before anyone who sees or hears the words "Bully!" and "Dee-lighted!" or the phrase, "the strenuous life," will not think at once of Colonel Roosevelt.

Some of the striking expressions of Colonel Roosevelt's making, or of such pointed use by him that, although he did not originate them, they always will be associated with him instead of the author, follow:

"Speak softly, but carry a Big Stick." This was his early definition of his political creed. And for years thereafter no cartoon of the Colonel was considered complete unless it contained the artist's conception of the Big Stick.

"My hat is in the ring," was the way he announced he was a candidate for President.

"My spear knows no brother," was a quotation that he used so effectively that it generally is associated with him.

"Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead," was the Roosevelt answer when the Moorish bandit Raisuli captured and held for ransom Perdicaris, an American citizen.

"I have teeth and I can use them." So said Roosevelt when he was arguing with General Miles over the case of Rear Admiral Schley.

"The short and ugly word," became a popular phrase throughout the country just as soon as Roosevelt used it in his verbal brush with the late E. H. Harriman.

"Malefactors of great wealth," was a phrase made famous by Roosevelt
"Damn the law! Build the canal!" That is what Roosevelt is reported to have said when his advisors started to tell him the legal obstacles in the way of linking the Atlantic and the Pacific at Panama.

"I am for the square deal," was one of the expressions in an early speech that gave the country a popular catchword.

"The police board does not make nor repeal laws. It enforces them." So said Roosevelt when he was Police Commissioner of New York City. And those were widely quoted words at the time.
  
“rWe stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord." When Roosevelt used that phrase to describe the political fight he and his followers made in the so-called Bull Moose campaign there was great business of looking up Armageddon, which was found in the Bible.

"I feel like a Bull Moose," was an expression that gave that name to the Progressive wing of the Republican party.

"Better faithful than famous," was the aphorism he evolved for himself when he entered politics.

"I took the Canal Zone and let Congress debate," was another widely quoted sentence.

"Never strike soft. If you must hit a man, put him to sleep." That was a sentiment frequently expressed by Roosevelt in his latter-day speeches.

"// you ever print anything without my permission, I shall deny it," he said when newly inaugurated as Governor to newspaper reporters. And they remembered it.

"Weasel words," was the phrase he applied to words of President Wilson.

"Mollycoddles!" "Ananias!" "Traitor!" "Pussy-footer!" "Cravens and Weaklings!" "Muckrakers!"were among the superlatives that Colonel Roosevelt put with verbs and names in public attacks on those with whom he was displeased.

"I do not number party loyalty among my commandments." This was one of his most famous expressions, made when he declared war on political bosses.

"Someone asked me why I did not get an agreement with Colombia," he said on another occasion. "They might just as well ask me why I do not nail cranberry jelly to the wall."

 CHAPTER SIXTEEN
 APOSTLE OF PREPAREDNESS
Twenty Years of Warning to the United States—He Practiced What He Preached—Urged Universal Training in 1914—Roused the American Spirit— Offers of Personal Service Rejected—Statement 6j/ Roosevelt and Taft—The Colonel's Attitude on the Great War.
Theodore Roosevelt preached the gospel of preparedness to the American people for more than twenty years. Even when the effect was indeed little more than that of "a voice crying in the wilderness," he urged the nation to prepare for eventualities that all human history pointed to as inevitable. That his advice and urgent warnings were received with apathy by successive Congresses that refused to take them seriously was no fault of his. He did his duty as he saw it, and carried into practice, so far as he could, the principles of preparedness which he preached, whenever official opportunity was given him to do so.

Within that period of twenty years, two foreign wars were thrust upon the United States—and both found the nation unprepared in a military sense. Only the Navy was ready when the war with Spain came in 1898—and its preparedness is admitted to have been due to the patriotic work of Theodore Roosevelt, then in the Navy Department as Assistant Secretary. Sensing the coming conflict, he had insisted on naval preparation, and the gunnery practice for which he had almost begged ammunition from Congress bore fruit in the battles of Manila Bay and Santiago. It was preparedness of a kind that saved American lives.

May it not then be justifiably suggested in the light of what has happened since, that the lives of many Americans—and many Europeans too—might have been saved in the years just gone, had the nation followed the urgent advice of Theodore Roosevelt and put itself in a position to protest against the breach of treaties and the atrocities of militarism in Europe—with a strong right arm ready to back up its protests and enforce respect for them?

If such protests as we did make were disregarded, why was it? Because the autocratic arch-enemies of human democracy knew that we were in no position to enforce them, and believed we could not do so. Hence the slaughter and the suffering and the terrific cost of a prolonged war.

When Theodore Roosevelt succeeded to the Presidency on the death of McKinley, those who were alarmed about what he might do also suggested that with his combative propensities he was likely to involve the country in war. Yet there never has been an administration, as afterwards appeared, when we were more perfectly at peace with all the world, nor were our foreign relations ever in danger of producing hostilities. But this was not due in the least to the adoption of a timid or yielding foreign policy; on the contrary, it was owing to the firmness of the President in all foreign questions and the knowledge which other nations soon acquired that President Roosevelt was a man who never threatened unless he meant to carry out the threat, the result being that he was not obliged to threaten at all.
 Preparedness in 1914
The European war came, and there were times when Colonel Roosevelt assailed the Wilson administration bitterly, when he called for proper preparation against the looming peril, when he called for universal military service and a great Navy, when he demanded that we do something more than pretend a neutrality that more than nine-tenths of the country abominated.

He was busy with the trial at Syracuse the day the Lusitania was sunk, on May 7, 1915, and that night he dictated a statement that rang through America as to what America's plain duty had become. He would have sent Von Bernstorff out of the country, seized the German merchant marine, and got ready for the stern business of protecting American honor.

All of these things eventuated, but it can never be forgotten that Colonel Roosevelt sensed thus early the morality and the practicality of their immediate operation.

He Denounced Germany
From the very outset of the European war Colonel Roosevelt's denunciations of Germany's militaristic policy began. German newspapers, remembering his eulogies of the Kaiser, bitterly attacked him. With renewed energy, day in and day out, in speeches, editorials and interviews, he pleaded for "preparedness" on the part of the United States, flayed the pacifists and excoriated the sentiments of those who sang "I Didn't Raise My Boy to Be a Soldier."

In December, 1915, he wrote to Progressive leaders in Oregon, again saying that he would not again be a candidate for the presidency.   "Perhaps the public is a little tired of me," he added.

Nevertheless, when the Progressives convened in June, 1916, eighteen months later, the mention of his name brought forth cheering which lasted for ninety-three consecutive minutes. He declined to accept the nomination. An effort had been made to nominate him at the Republican national convention, and although he withheld his consent to this, his refusal to parley with the old wing of the party cast a gloom over Hughes' supporters. After Hughes' nomination he gave him his indorsement, much to the disgust of the Progressives, who saw themselves left adrift without their idolized leader, but the damage had then been done to the hopes of both Republicans and Progressives. Again, as in 1911, Roosevelt's attitude, this time because of his aloofness, contributed largely to the election of Woodrow Wilson.
Criticized the Administration From the beginning of the European war until the day when he was silenced by death, Colonel Roosevelt made America's concern in the struggle his constant theme. Beginning with his intense feeling over the sinking of the Lusitania, he insisted on the immediate entrance of the United States into the war and criticized the administration with vitriolic fire until war was declared.

To the end he maintained his dynamic denunciations of lack of military preparedness, calling daily for a larger army and navy, universal military training in time of peace and governmental ownership of munitions plants. He bitterly criticized the War Department, alleging its failure to provide sufficient equipment for American troops, and, only two weeks before the operation performed upon him in New York, went to Washington and delivered a sensational philippic before the National Press Club.

Months before the United States entered the war he set about organizing a brigade, which he hoped he might be given permission to lead against Germany, recruiting it from his old-time associates in the Rough Riders , and from young officers, college men, engineers and athletes. It was one of his bitterest disappointments that the War Department could not see its way clear to permit the use of such an organization, and he relinquished the project only after a lengthy correspondence with Secretary Baker.

Roused the American Spirit
Colonel Roosevelt would have had the United States protest and take action at the very beginning in 1914, when Belgium was invaded, declared his friend, Senator Lodge, in his memorial address to Congress after the Colonel's death. "He would have had us go to war when the murders of the Lusitania were perpetrated. He tried to stir the soul and rouse the spirit of the American people, and despite every obstacle he did awaken them, so that when the hour came, in April, 1917, a large proportion of the American people were even then ready in spirit and in hope.

"How telling his work has been was proved by the confession of his country's enemies, for when he died the only discordant note, the only harsh words, came from the German press. Germany knew whose voice it was that had more powerfully than any other called Americans to the battle in behalf of freedom and civilization."
Offers of Service Rejected
When the United States at length entered the World War, Colonel Roosevelt did his best to go into the active service of his country. He tried so earnestly indeed that there was a never-to-be-forgotten pathos in his endeavors •—to see this strong, eager man balked at every turn of his enthusiastic patriotism by a hostile administration.

His friends, and they were legion, wanted him to raise a division, not necessarily to be commanded by him. They were willing to endure all of the preliminary expense to train themselves. The groundwork was all laid. But the administration would have none of Colonel Roosevelt's participation.

Again and again after his sons had gone to France to join General Pershing he referred to the war as "exclusive," but always he declared that the nation must conduct the war to a victorious finish. He opposed indifference to haste in combating Germany, and any tendency to "let others do it."

Because he was not permitted to go to Europe at the head of a body of soldiers, Colonel Roosevelt was denied the reward which his friend, Senator Lodge, declared he would have ranked above all others, the great prize of death in battle.

"But he was a patriot in every fibre of his being, and personal disappointment in no manner slackened or cooled his zeal. Everything that he could do to forward the war, to quicken preparation, to stimulate patriotism, to urge on efficient action, was done. Day and night, in season and out of season, he never ceased his labors."

In such war work Colonel Roosevelt was indeed very active, speaking with his full power in support of the Liberty Loans, in arraignment of sedition and pacifism, and in urging liberal contributions for the Bed Cross. He gave largely out of his own means, and not long before his death he turned his Nobel Peace Prize cash, which had grown considerably from its original $40,000, over to the seven-branched War Work Service of the United States.

Roosevelt and Taft Ask Fair Play
In view of President Wilson's public demand in the fall of 1918 for the election of a Democratic Congress, ex-President Roosevelt and Taft in New York made public the following joint statement through the Republican national committee:

We approach this subject as Americans and only as Americans. When this war broke out we would have welcomed action by the President which would have eliminated all questions of party politics. It would have enabled us all to stand behind him to the end without regard to anything except national considerations. Instead of this, partisan lines have been strictly drawn from the first, and now the President announces that only Democrats can be intrusted with future power, and only those Democrats who do his will. Because of this reflection on other patriotic Americans we appeal for fair play.
The next Congress will serve from March 4, 1919, to March 4, 1921. In that period—

First—The war must be fought to unconditional success unless this is achieved before.

Second—The terms of world peace must be settled.

Third—The Democratic administration, after expending billions of treasure and exercising more absolute power than any administration in our history, must give an account of its stewardship.

Fourth—The change from war conditions to peace must be brought about with the least disturbance and the work of reconstruction must be broadly begun.

A Republican Congress will be much better qualified than one controlled by Democrats to aid the country in adopting the measures needed for these four great tasks, and for the following reasons:

First—Even as a minority party the Republicans made the winning of the war possible by passing the original draft bill. Without this we could not have trained and landed the two millions of men now in France. As a minority party the Republicans forced upon a reluctant President and Secretary of War, after an injurious delay of four months, the amended draft act without which we could not have put two more millions at the front by next July. The Speaker, the leader and the chairman of the military committee of the Democratic House opposed the original draft with all the vigor possible. It was saved, and so our country's cause was saved by the Republican minority.

Second—The new Senate must approve, by two-thirds vote, the terms of peace. Those terms should be settled not by one man only. It is one-man control we are fighting in this war to suppress. If the peace treaty is to be useful in the future, it must be approved by the great body of the American people. The President has indicated a willingness to make a peace by negotiation. He has not demanded, as he might have done in three lines, that which the American people demand—an unconditional surrender. His exchange of notes with Germany has caused a deep concern among our people lest he may, by his parleying with her, concede her a peace around a council table instead of a sentence from a court. The fourteen points which the President and Germany assume that they have already agreed upon are so general and vague that such a peace would be no treaty at all, but only a protocol to an interminable discussion. The President is without final power to bind the United States to those fourteen points, although his language does not suggest it.

Still less has he the power to bind our noble allies. We do not know that these points include all that our allies may justly demand, or do not concede something they may justly withhold. For what they have done for us we owe our allies the highest good faith. It is of capital importance, therefore, that we should now elect a Senate which shall be independent to interpret and enforce the will of the American people in the matter of this world peace and not merely submit to the uncontrolled will of Mr. Wilson.

Nor can the attitude of the House of Representatives be ignored in this peace. Every affirmative obligation binding the United States in that treaty must be performed by the House as part of the Congress. The present Democratic majority in the House has been subservient to the will of the President in every respect except when critical issues in the conduct of the war have been involved. The President has not hesitated publicly to discipline those of his party who have disagreed with him and the lesson has had its effect. A new Democratic Congress, with its old leaders thus chastened, will offer no opposition to his will. They will not be consulted in the future more than in the past. In a Democratic Congress the American people will not have the service of an independent, courageous, co-ordinate branch of the government to moderate his uncontrolled will. It is not safe to intrust to one man such unlimited power. It is not in accord with the traditions of the republic.

Third—The Republicans voted without objection billions to be expended by this administration. Six hundred and forty millions for aviation were given to the executive to build aero planes without a single limitation as to the manner or method of its expenditure. A Senate committee has deplored the waste and failure in the use of that money. The debts which have been created by this war the people will be paying to the third and fourth generation. They have a right to know how these enormous sums have been expended. Only a Republican Congress will have the courage to exact a detailed and accurate story of that stewardship.

Fourth—The work of reconstruction must not be done by one man, or finally formulated according to his academic theories and ideals. The President was not elected when such issues were before the people. His mandate of power was not given in the light of the momentous questions which will soon force themselves for solution. He was elected as a peace President and because he had kept us out of war. The American people should therefore place in the branch of the government charged constitutionally with adopting policies of reconstruction a Congress which will not register the will of one man, but, fresh from the people, will enact the will of the people.
We earnestly deprecate extending the unified uncontrolled leadership of a commander-in-chief to the making of a permanent treaty of peace or to the framing of those measures of reconstruction which must seriously affect the happiness and prosperity of the American people for a century. We urge all Americans, who are Americans first, to vote for a Republican. Congress.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT,
WILLAM H. TAFT

270

APOSTLE    OP   PREPAREDNESS ^V\     Part of the original joint statement, in the Colonel's own handwriting, issued by Roosevelt and Taft in their reunion at the Union League Club in New York just before the congressional election, 1918. The upper section is in Roosevelt** handwriting, the lower in Taft's. Roosevelt generously put Taft's name first in the introduction; note how Taft courteously amended it so that Roosevelt, the earlier President, who made Taft his successor, came first as it was Driven, to the public. 

Attitude on the Great War
, 
In a speech at Carnegie Hall, New York, October 28, 1918, two weeks before the armistice ended hostilities in the Great War, Colonel Roosevelt said:

"I believe in putting this war through to our last man and to our last dollar rather than to fail in beating Germany to her knees. That is the spirit of our wonderful fighting men that our soldiers at the front have. The world has never seen finer fighting men than our soldiers at the front. But let this people never forget that in the bitter weather of last winter we left our small army overseas without a sufficient number of overcoats or shoes; we got uniforms from the British; we got our cannon and our machine guns from the hard-pressed French, the tanks from the British and French; we had practically no airplanes at the front until seventeen months after we went to war—in short, our governmental shortcomings were so lamentable that even now we can fight at all only because of the weapons our allies give us.

"I hold that it was a foolish and evil thing to have failed to prepare during the two years and a half after the World War began, and a foolish thing and evil thing to have shown the hesitation and delay and incompetency displayed in making our strength effective, which we showed for over a year after we had finally helplessly drifted stern foremost into the war. I hold that it is upon efficiency and upon an absolute disregard of all political considerations that we must rely in speeding up the war. Let us try to win it at once; but let us set ourselves resolutely to win it, no matter what the cost and no matter how long it takes. I hold that it is necessary clearly to face the dreadful blunders and worse than blunders that have been made, in order to avoid repeating them in the future. But I hold with even greater tenacity that it is our duty to treat these blunders, not in any way as an excuse for failure to do our duty, but as an additional incentive to devoting every ounce of strength we have to winning the war. If we had prepared in advance, the war would have been over ninety days after we entered it. If the administration had used with moderate efficiency the results of the lavish generosity of Congress our armies and the Allied armies would have been doing long ago what they are doing now in October. I trust our people will keep well in mind, as a lesson concerning the mere money cost of unpreparedness, that the enormous sums we have had to raise by taxation and by borrowing are at the very least twice as great as if we had begun to prepare in advance, without hurry and confusion and without the attendant waste and extravagance and profiteering, and with the patriotic and businesslike refusal to consider politics or anything else except winning the war.

Unconditional Surrender, but a Just Peace "We should accept no peace not based on the unconditional surrender of Germany and her vassal allies, Austria and Turkey, and upon the freeing of the subject races of Austria and Turkey from the yoke of the Austrian, the Magyar, and the Turk. Therefore, it is inexcusable in us, and is a reflection upon our good faith, to have remained so long without declaring war on Turkey, for it is mere hypocrisy to talk of making the world safe for democracy so long as we are not at war with Turkey, and have not insisted upon putting the Turk out of Europe and freeing the Armenians and the Syrians of all creeds from his yoke, and giving Palestine to be made a Jewish state.
"I would not subject the German or the Magyar to the dominion of anyone else. But neither would I permit them to lord it over anyone else. The true way to put a stop to Germany's ability again to convulse the world by an effort to secure world dominion is to give, not autonomy, but freedom to all the nations that now cower under the tyranny of Germany and her allies. Belgium, of course, must be restored and amply indemnified, and all the gold that Germany has cannot repay Belgium for the frightful wrongs so wantonly committed against her by Germany during the last four years. France must receive back Alsace and Lorraine, and Germany must be forced to carry out her broken promise to the Danes of North Schleswig. All of Poland must be a separate commonwealth, with a seafront on the Baltic; Finland, the Baltic provinces, Lithuania, and Ukrainia, must be made as absolutely independent of Germany as of Russia; the Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs must be made into independent commonwealths; the Roumanians in East Hungary restored to Roumania; the Italians of Southwestern Austria joined to Italy; the Greeks safeguarded in their rights; Constantinople made a free city, and all other injustices remedied in so far as it is humanly possible to do so. The German strangle-hold must be removed from Russia, and we should ourselves help Russia so far as she will permit us to do so, and we cannot efficiently do so unless our government acts with infinitely greater wisdom, forethought, insight, and resolution than it has shown in its handling of the Siberian matters for the last six months.

The Work of Reconstruction
"Then, when the end of the war is come and we have obtained the peace of complete victory, a peace obtained by machine guns and not typewriters, we shall have to turn to the affairs of our own household and undertake the work of reconstruction with cool intelligence and resolution, with firm determination not to be misled by the visionaries and fanatics who, under the plea of helping the average man, would bring our whole civilization to ruin.

 In the fight for Americanism there must be no sagging back.
—Roosevelt's Last Message.

 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN 
A FAMILY OF PATRIOTS
Four Sons in Active Service—One Killed, Two Wounded, All Distinguished—Quentin's Grave Visited by His Mother—War Records of the Roosevelts—The Colonel's Family—Ideal Family Life—Love of the Outdoors—Oyster Bay a Mecca for Distinguished Visitors.
True American patriotism was inherent and hereditary in the Roosevelt family. In Theodore Roosevelt is found constant and practical expression. He lived and died the typical patriot of his country and his time. And his patriotism was transmitted in unstinted measure to his children.

Though he was not permitted to engage in the World War himself, with the division of volunteers which he had taken steps to recruit among his admirers, he was represented in the great conflict by his four sons—volunteers all—one of whom sealed his patriotism with his life, and by a son-in-law, Dr. Richard Derby, a Major in the Army Medical Corps. Two of his sons were wounded, all distinguished themselves in service.

His youngest son, Lieutenant Quentin Roosevelt, was killed in France in an air battle on the western front, in July, 1918. His machine was shot down by a German aviator, experienced and skilled, with a record of thirty-two planes downed to his credit. Young Roosevelt, though skilled, was inexperienced, his adversary said after he and brother officers' had buried and marked the grave of Quentin. The victor paid tribute to him in saying that he had fought courageously and gallantly. Colonel Roosevelt wished that his son's body remain in the soil that he had fought to free. "Let the tree lie where it falls," he said when asked if Quentin's body would be brought home.

In February, 1919, after the Colonel's death, Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt carried out the intention which she and her husband had formed, of visiting their son's grave in France. Landing at Brest, she was met and welcomed by officials of the French Government, who placed at her disposal every possible facility and convenience for carrying out her sad mission. In the quietest and least ostentatious manner possible, the sorrowing and widowed mother was escorted to the spot in the battle-torn territory where lay the remains of her youngest son, a martyr in the cause of human liberty, interred by enemy hands in a grave that will be kept green for generations to come by the grateful tears of the French people, whom he crossed an ocean to aid. The heartfelt sympathies of the American people accompanied Mrs. Roosevelt on her sorrowful trip, and the deepest regrets that Quentin's father was not spared to stand by her side over that lonely but glorious grave. The parent oak fell soon after the sturdy sapling, and both lie where they fell.

Archie Wounded and Cited
Two of Colonel Roosevelt's other sons, Archie and Theodore, Jr., were cited for bravery in action with the United States Army and Kermit distinguished himself while fighting with the British forces in Mesopotamia. At his own request, when the United States got into the war, Kermit was transferred to our army.
In the fighting before Toul in 1918, Archie was wounded. He so distinguished himself that General Pershing personally recommended him for promotion to a captaincy, which he subsequently got, and he was also cited for gallantry in action. He was a Second Lieutenant when he first went into action. While leading his men he was hit by shrapnel that injured both a leg and an arm. He was taken to a Paris hospital, and while there learned that he had been awarded the French War Cross. When told of his son's gallant action and its recognition by two nations, the Colonel was "delighted."
"I am proud of my boys," he said.

Theodore, Jr., a Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore, Jr., was also wounded while he and his detachment were wiping out machine-gun nests near Plerigy, in the Soissons sector, in July, 1918. Shrapnel was imbedded in Major Roosevelt's knee, but he would not allow himself to be moved until the nests were cleaned out. He was taken to a hospital back of the lines and then transferred to a Paris hospital, where an operation was performed. He afterward was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel and was cited for gallantry. His wife, one of the few who managed to get to their husbands fighting in France, reached him there. She was engaged in war work. During the same month, July, Quentin was killed.
Kermit Cited by the British
When America started preparing for the war, Kermit Roosevelt and his wife had just returned from Argentina, where he had gone to help establish a branch of the National City Bank. He immediately enlisted in the Officers' Training Camp at Plattsburg. While there he was offered a commission with the British forces. He accepted and later was cited in British dispatches. He had himself transferred to the American forces later, to "fight under his own flag."

Archie Roosevelt abandoned his business in a carpet factory in Connecticut, where Theodore, Jr., had started his career years before, and also went to Plattsburg. Archie won a Second Lieutenancy. Both Archie and Theodore, Jr., were among the first to go to France. Theodore, Jr., was prospering in the oil well business when he abandoned it for his country's service.
The Colonel's Family.
Mr. Roosevelt was twice married. His first wife was Alice Hathaway Lee, daughter of George Cabot Lee of Boston. She died February 14, 1884. On December 2, 1886, he married in London Edith Kermit Carow, daughter of Charles Carow, who was his boyhood friend.

The only child of his first marriage was his daughter Alice, the clever and attractive girl who became the wife of Congressman Nicholas Longworth. The children by his second marriage were Ethel Roosevelt, who became the wife of Dr. Richard T. Derby; Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., Kermit, Archie, and Quentin.
Ideal Family Life
The warmth of the affection shown within the Roosevelt household was a notable part of the life at the homestead, Sagamore Hill, near Oyster Bay, N. Y.

When a Western visitor was at the hospital in New York just before Christmas, 1918, Captain Archie Roosevelt, who was wounded in France and invalided home, came in to bid the Colonel good-by—a slight, boyish figure, with the arm paralyzed by shrapnel still supported by its metal brace. They talked a few minutes about a trip they planned to harpoon tarpon in Southern waters in March, the Colonel explaining with enthusiasm that harpooning was particularly adapted to such cripples because it could be done with one arm. And then the Captain crossed the room and kissed his father good-by.

It was the same with all the members of the family. When his children saw their father after a separation they would pat him on the shoulder as they passed him in the room, and he would detain them a moment to hold their hands.

"I must talk that over with Edith (Mrs. Roosevelt) and Alice" (his daughter), was his frequent reply when some personal matter was up for his consideration. "They have such good judgment."

Family All Outdoor Folk
The whole family was devoted to outdoor life. During the Colonel's terms as President, the White House stables contained excellent riding horses. There was a horse or pony for every member of the family. There were two mounts for the President, one being Rusty, a bay heavyweight hunter on which the President frequently jumped fences in the country to remind him of the time when he once rode to hounds on Long Island.

Because of the President's example there was probably more good healthful exercise taken in Washington during his administration than has been known there before or since. Americans are not generally credited with being anemic, but the official and social duties of the capital never before were so crowded in between sets of tennis, riding and walking expeditions.

His contests President Roosevelt held not only with his boys and other members of his family, but with Cabinet officers and foreign diplomats. Capitals of Europe were sometimes highly entertained by accounts of their representatives following the President, who had invited them for afternoon walks, across fences, ditches, and through mud ankle deep. Pouring rain never prevented the President from taking his walks with members of the foreign embassies, and he was always delighted with credit given him for inaugurating the strenuous life in Washington. And the outdoor life lived in Washington was but a repetition of that enjoyed at Sagamore Hill, typical haven of domestic bliss and always a scene of rational pleasures. Whether the Colonel was in or out of office, his delightful country home was always his favorite abode.
Mecca of Distinguished Men
Distinguished guests were nearly always to be found at the Roosevelt table at Sagamore Hill. Jacob Riis tells of his going there during the Colonel's Presidency, to complain that a rule had been adopted by the War Department, discontinuing the custom of having the names of private soldiers who were killed in the Philippines cabled home. The reports merely dismissed the matter by saying that so many unnamed privates had fallen. Mr. Riis' chance to speak of the matter did not come until he had luncheon. Adjutant-General Corbin was present, and the President at once turned to him and asked, "General, is there such a rule?"

"Yes, Mr. President," he answered.

"Why?"

"The department adopted it, I believe, from motives of economy."
"General, can you telegraph from here to the Philippines?
General Corbin thought that if the order were to be repealed, it could better be done from Washington. But the President said:

"No! No! We will not wait. The mothers who gave the best they had to the country should not be breaking their hearts, that the Government may save twenty-five or fifty dollars. Save the money somewhere else."

Forthwith from the table at Sagamore Hill went the new ruling that the names of the privates as well as those of the officers falling in the Philippines, should be sent home by cable.

An English guest of world-wide experience pronounced the table-talk at Oyster Bay as brilliant as any he ever had heard. The variety of the President's topics, his grasp of subjects, his out-of-the-way knowledge, and his marvelous memory reminded him of the conversation of Gladstone. A British army officer, with a long experience in India, declared, after his visit, that President Roosevelt knew more than he did about the history and the administration of the Indian government.

An Ambassador, lunching at Oyster Bay, made some remark about a buffalo head on the wall. This led Colonel Roosevelt to express his regret that we in this country should have exterminated the American bison in a dozen years, where Europe was a thousand years in killing off the auroch. Then he talked of the migration of the fauna of South America across the isthmus and of the fauna of Asia across Behring Strait, with the resultant intermingling of the species in North America.

The Ambassador was amazed at the extent of the President's information on such subjects, but those who knew how truly great a naturalist he was had ceased to be surprised at any outcropping from his marvelous fund of special knowledge.

 Until the last days of the Colonel's life, his home continued to be a Mecca for distinguished men and women of all nationalities and opinions. There they found a private forum for the free expression of all beliefs, but all who came left with the same impression stamped upon their memories—that it was the home of a live, practical American patriotism, the abode of a of patriots

San Francisco Chronicle, January 7, 1919

CHAPTER EIGHTTEEN
 THE YOUNG MAN'S HERO
Theodore Roosevelt the Idol of American Youth—His Strong, Lovable Character Appealed to Its Imagination—One Secret of His Power as a Citizen—A Perennial Boy—Mourned by the Boys of America—The Colonel Among Children—How He Raised His Sons.
No man ever lived who enjoyed in so remarkable a degree as Theodore Roosevelt the love and respect of Young America. No other citizen of the world was ever so deeply enshrined in the hearts of the boys and girls of his own country, or was so cheerfully accepted by them as their ideal and exemplar.

To the young men of the country he was indeed a hero. He appealed to their imagination, and filled it with a satisfaction that knew no flaw. The wonderful combination in his personality of a King Arthur, a Chevalier Bayard, and a Buffalo Bill, with the added qualities of great statesmanship and intense patriotism, made an appeal that was irresistible, so that for two generations the living "Teddy" was the idol of the young. And the dead Roosevelt will remain their ideal for generations to come.

The love and hero-worship of the young men of America was ever a source of tremendous strength to Roosevelt the statesman and Roosevelt the influential citizen. The public recognized it, the politicians felt its power, the parents knew its influence. There is an instinct or an intuition—call it what you please—in the personal judgments of the young that cannot be gainsaid. Good men, strong men, sincere men, lovable men, are intuitively recognized by the youthful mind, and are respected and trusted accordingly. They attract youth and gain its confidence, while men of a different character are repellent to it and arouse its suspicion. Theodore Roosevelt was always attractive to youth. He gained the affection of the young without effort, because of his abounding love for humanity, which found constant expression in his daily life. From his earliest days he was the teacher, guide, and counsellor of the young; and as his great career unfolded he gave to the boys and girls of America that service of usefulness which he lavished upon all his fellow-countrymen in such unstinted measure. In this he was but following in the footsteps of his father, the elder Theodore, whose work for the young of New York City was one of the greatest achievements of his useful life.

A Perennial Boy
Colonel Roosevelt was a perennial boy. In some respects he never "grew up." His abounding vitality, his love of constant action—"something doing all the time,"—his enthusiasm in every cause he espoused, his quick perceptions and rapid decisions, his fondness for sports, his love of a " scrap,'' his sense of fair play, his keen interest in football,—all these characteristics were those of a regular American boy, and the boys of America recognized in him a kindred spirit, one of themselves. He was never happier than when he was "playing the boy," and he could be a boy in the company of staid Senators, dignified Ambassadors, and prim politicians, as well as with boxers and football players and wrestlers and cowboys and children.
When he died a great New York newspaper recognized the truth of his hold upon the boys when it said, under the heading of "Teddy":

"Millions who have no spokesmen to make articulate their emotions, who lack words to express their grief, mourn Theodore Roosevelt surely quite as sincerely as those who fill papers with their tributes and draw up resolutions of regret.

"These mute mourners are the boys of America. In their Pantheon, Theodore Roosevelt, hero of San Juan, mighty hunter, slayer of lion, bear, wolf, and panther, explorer, occupied a throne more exalted even than Frank Merriwell's and Nick Carter's, far above the history-embedded heroes of G. A. Henty.

"He was the eternal boy. His were the boy's enthusiasms and unlimited capacity for swift movement of body and brain. And the boys shall mourn the passing of this full-colored, virile man long after grief has faded from older and colder hearts and minds, untouched by the eternal dawn."

Why Boys Loved "Teddy"
When Mr. Roosevelt was President, his great friend, Jacob A. Riis, who had accompanied him in earlier days on many a midnight expedition through the slums of New York City, seeking to do good, said of him:

"Boys admire President Roosevelt because he himself 'is a good deal of a boy.' Some men have claimed that Mr. Roosevelt never has matured; but this is saying no more than that he has not stopped growing, that he is not yet imprisoned in the crust of age. To him the world is still young and unfinished. He has a boy's fresh faith that the things that ought to be done can be done. His eyes are on the future rather than on the past.
"Young America never drew so near to any other public man as to Theodore  Roosevelt. All the boys in the land feel that there is a kindred spirit in the White House. Every one of them knows ' Teddy' and the ' Teddy bear' and the 'Teddy hat.' But it is doubtful if the President ever was called 'Teddy' when he was a boy. He used to be 'Teedy' in the family circle and at Harvard he was 'Ted,' while among the intimates of his manhood he is always called 'Theodore.' He is 'Teddy,' however, to millions of boys who delight in their comradeship with the President which this nickname implies. It does not mean that they are lacking in respect for him; it simply means that they are not afraid of him, and that they feel they know him and he knows them.''

The Colonel Among Children
The Colonel had a way with youngsters. All too little to know how to admire him loved him on sight. The older ones did both. The stories about him with children here and there are innumerable. His animosity toward race suicide was no cold, abstract, sociological tenet. There was the little invalid in Portland, Oregon, carried to the curb on a stretcher to see him go by, when he was passing through in 1903. He noticed her, stopped the carriage, jumped out and kissed her.

One day in February, 1911, when walking back to the office of The Outlook in New York after luncheon, the Colonel found a lost nine-year-old, newly arrived with his parents via Ellis Island, crying in the streets, and dried the child's eyes and took him to the East Twenty-third street police station, where he turned him over to the matron, and then swapped old memories with the bluecoats behind the desk, one or two of whom had been on the force when he was Commissioner.
There are countless stories of his own, the Roosevelt children, in and out of the White House and at Sagamore Hill, and latterly there were the photographs of him holding the grandbabies. Of these stories, a favorite in its day was about his little boating and sleeping-out-in-blankets expedition to a remote sand beach on the Sound, his companions being Kermit, Archie and their cousin Philip. The date was August 9, 1902.

The President and the three kids quietly stole off to the bay, eluding all eyes but Secretary Loeb's, and that was the evening when the Pacific cables rumpus broke like a bombshell, and telegrams and emissaries and magnates and reporters poured in vainly upon the Roosevelt home. Mr. Loeb could not say where the President was and seemed embarrassed by it. The four simple-lifers returned in the morning after a bully time, and the business of a President on vacation was resumed. Subsequently such sleeping-out excursions were a feature of every summer.

Then there was the autumn day in 1917 when the Colonel sat for two hours at the elbow of Justice Hoyt in Children's Court, New York, heard the cases, and acted as unofficial consulting Justice. Once, leaning over, he whispered to a youngster, "It's all right this time, sonny. You're all right. But remember, don't do it again, or he '11 send you away! He '11 send you away!'' And again, after hearing how some other juvenile malefactor of little wealth had made full restitution to the pushcart man or somebody, the Roosevelt fist thumped the arm of the chair, with "That's a fine boy! That land make first-rate citizens!''

Soon after the Roosevelts took up their residence at the White House a fawning society woman asked one of the younger boys if he did not dislike the "common boys" he met at the public schools. The boy looked at her in wonderment for a moment and then replied:

"My papa says there are only tall boys and short boys and good boys and bad boys, and that's all the kind of boys there are."

When the leader of the Rough Riders  returned from the Spanish-American war he found all his children congregated near a pole from which floated a large flag of their own manufacture, inscribed:

" To Colonel Roosevelt."

He said that the tribute touched him more deeply than any of the pretentious demonstrations accorded him.

Several years ago Judge Ben Lindsey of Denver asked Colonel Roosevelt to send his son Quentin out West. A few months before his death the Colonel was talking to the Judge, and tears came into his eyes as he said: "Judge, you remember what you said about that boy? Well, he went west, he went west" (in France). Then he added:

"It is pretty hard. His mother, of course, like all mothers, feels it, but by George—by George, it's all right; and I tell you, Judge, if this war lasts another year I won't have a son left. Not one! I tell you, they are bears; they are bears for a fight when there ought to be a fight. I am proud of them."

Roosevelt's Kind of Boy
Mr. Roosevelt was fond of telling the boys what their country expects of them. He was a great friend and supporter of the Boy Scouts of America, who wore official mourning crepe on their arms for him after his death, and mourned him most sincerely. Here is what he once said about the American boy—and every boy should paste it in his hat:
"What we have a right to expect of the American boy is that he shall turn out to be a good American man. Now the chances are that he won't be much of a man unless he is a good deal of a boy. He must not be a coward or a weakling, a bully, a shirk, or a prig. He must work hard and play hard. He must be clean-minded and clean-lived, and able to hold his own under all circumstances and against all comers. It is only on these conditions that he will grow into the kind of man of whom America can really be proud. In life, as in a football game, the principle to follow is to hit the line hard; don't foul and don't shirk, but hit the line hard.''
—theodobe Roosevelt.
There is a splendid platform of principles for a regular boy. And no one who was not "a good deal of a boy" himself would have put so much sound sense in so few words. They ring true—and millions of American boys are trying to live up to "Teddy's" standard. That was the kind of boy he was himself, and the kind of man he made himself.

His Own Children
Young America was also drawn to the former President through his delight in his own children. He was prouder to be the father of a family of six than to be the head of the nation. His sons and daughters were born as follows:

Alice Lee (named for her mother, the first Mrs. Roosevelt), born in New York City, February 12, 1884; married Nicholas Longworth of Cincinnati, at the White House, February 17, 1906.

Theodore, Jr. (named for his father), born at Oyster Bay, September 13, 1887.
Kermit (this is the middle name of his mother), born at Oyster Bay, October 10, 1889.

Ethel Carow (named for her mother's family), born at Oyster Bay, August 13, 1891.

Archibald Bulloch (named for a paternal ancestor, the first Governor of the State of Georgia), born in Washington, April 9, 1894.

Quentin (named for a maternal ancestor)', born in Washington, November 19, 1897; died in action in France, July, 1918.

"The chief ambition of Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt," said one of their closest friends, "was not to rear a brilliant family, but to keep their children like other children, unspoiled by their father's distinction, and to bring them up simply and to fit them to be womanly women and manly men. They all had the same nurse, but their mother trusted no one to tuck them in at night, and she herself attended to this duty even when there was a great reception or state dinner to be given.

"The President wished his daughters as well as his sons to be brave and hardy. 'I must confess,' he said, ' that when girls are small I like them to be tomboys.' Of his eldest child he once remarked: 'Alice is a girl who does not stay in the house and sit in a rocking-chair. She can walk as far as I can. She can ride, drive, and shoot; although she doesn't care much for the shooting. I don't mind that; it is not necessary for health, but outdoor exercise is, and she has plenty of that.'

"Coming to womanhood while her father was President, Alice was obliged to pay the penalty of his fame. Her every step was published to the world and her name was made a favorite subject of gossip and rumor. It was a trying ordeal for a young woman, but it must be granted by all that she passed through this trial with a careless indifference, worthy of her father's spirit of courage and independence. The German Emperor selected her to christen his yacht, when it was launched in an American shipyard, and she complied with the imperial request simply and modestly. After the launching she sent this message by cable:
'His Majesty, the Emperor,
'Berlin, Germany:

'The Meteor has been successfully launched. I congratulate you, and I thank you for your courtesy to me, and I send my best wishes.
'alice lee roosevelt.'
'' Some guardians of royal etiquette in Europe seemed to be a little shocked by the lack of formality, by the directness of that greeting from an American girl to an august sovereign. Doubtless the Kaiser liked this girlish frankness. He knew we had no court manners over here. Miss Roosevelt again became involved in court etiquette when she planned to attend the coronation of King Edward in London. The American Ambassador had invited her to join him on that occasion and she was as ready as any other girl to see so grand a pageant. When, however, a debate arose as to whether the daughter of the President should be received as a Princess, she and her father lost their patience, and the journey was abandoned in disgust."

The Colonel and His Sons
In his relations with his four sons, Colonel Roosevelt was always more like a brother than a father. Once he made a little speech at a school near Washington, where his daughter, Ethel, was a pupil, and said:
"Life in the family circle is usually shaped predominantly for good or evil by the mother, even more than by the father."

So in his own family circle he "took his place in the ranks" as an equal comrade of his sons. They used to play, read, tramp, and ride together. We even heard of pillow-fights between the august President and his sons in the White House, as in any other happy American home. And it is said that the Roosevelt boys have seen a real live President of the United States down on his hands and knees, playing bear—"a real, live Teddy-bear, with a table or a bush for his den.'' Undignified, eh ? Maybe so, but that Teddy-bear was an ideal American father and raised the right kind of American boys.

The Colonel taught his sons to box and to shoot, to swim and row and sail and ride. He tried to teach them not to be afraid of anything. Their home at Sagamore Hill was a regular menagerie of strange pets. At various times the Roosevelt children had such playfellows as a lion, a hyena, a wild-cat, a coyote, two parrots, five bears, an eagle, a barn owl, several snakes and lizards, a zebra which the Emperor of Abyssinia sent them, kangaroo-rats and flying squirrels, rabbits, and guinea-pigs.

Many of these animals and reptiles were sent to the family as gifts, and after a time were added to the public zoological collection in New York. The kangaroo-rats and flying squirrels slept in the pockets and blouses of the children, whence they sometimes made unexpected appearances at the breakfast and dinner table or in school. Many an American family has had similar experiences, as its boys were growing up, but in few families is the study of natural history through live specimens so liberally encouraged by the parents as it was in the family at Sagamore Hill.
While a strict disciplinarian in his home, Mr. Roosevelt mingled comradeship with exercise of authority in a manner that made a successful father. It is said of him that while he might postpone important affairs of state to "play bear" with his children, he was also known to excuse himself to a company of friends who were spending the evening at his home while he went upstairs to spank one of the children who had disregarded repeated admonitions to make less noise. He was a chum of all the members of his household. He repeatedly expressed disapproval of the "goody-goody boy." He said on one occasion:

" I do not want any one to believe that my little ones are brought up to be cowards in this house. If they are struck they are not taught to turn the other cheek. I haven't any use for weaklings. I commend gentleness and manliness. I want my boys to be strong and gentle. For all my children I pray they may be healthy and natural."

A Faithful Old Nurse
In the home of Mrs. Mary Ledwith, 89 years old, of 336 East Thirty-first Street, for more than fifty years governess and nurse in the Roosevelt family, the portrait of Colonel Roosevelt was draped in black on the day of bis funeral. Mrs. Ledwith was employed by the family of Mrs. Roosevelt before she took up her employ in the family of the Colonel, where she remained until his second term in the White House.

Her room is filled with portraits of the members of the Roosevelt family, and Mrs. Ledwith proudly told of the frequent visits made by Colonel Roosevelt to her home. The last visit, Mrs. Ledwith said, was made by him in April, 1918, when he came bounding up the stairs to her apartment on the second floor, knocked on the door, and burst into the room with a hearty greeting.

"Well, I'll probably be arrested as a burglar," were his first words on that occasion to Mrs. Ledwith. '' I have entered three apartments already in search of you and the tenants seemed badly scared.''

Mrs. Ledwith said she was with Mrs. Roosevelt's family long before the Colonel's wife was born and put her first baby dress on her. When Theodore Roosevelt married Miss Carow, Mrs. Ledwith accompanied them to London. She entered the employ of the Carows during Buchanan's presidency when the Carow homestead was at Fourteenth Street and Broadway, which in those days was well out in the country.

 CHAPTER NINTEEN
THE  SQUARE  SPORTSMAN
Theodore Roosevelt's High Standard in Sports—A Lover of Clean Sport—Himself an Athlete—Sports in the White House—A Close Follower of Football—A Great Hunter—His Fondness for Boxing—Friends Among the Experts—Wrestling at Albany—Roosevelt as an Outdoor Man—A Really Great Naturalist,
When Theodore Roosevelt died there passed away the best beloved sportsman in America—and the squarest. He set a standard in sports that may well be regarded as ideal for universal emulation, and he had an honest hatred for the shady methods of the "sport" and the gambler. Himself an athlete of no mean rank, he numbered among his personal friends more experts in all branches of clean sport than any man in public life in the world has ever had, and he thoroughly enjoyed their acquaintance.

The late Martin J. Sheridan, all-round athlete incomparable, often declared Theodore Roosevelt was the greatest man in the world. With a twinkle in his eye Martin would remark:

"I arrived at that conclusion on the September day in 1908 when the President received the American Olympians at Sagamore Hill. Two incidents then took place that led me to realize what a wonderful man Theodore Roosevelt is. One of them was Mel Sheppard's presentation to the President of the medal he had won in the 800-meter event at the London Olympics. The other was the declaration of Pat Conway, president of the Irish-American Athletic Club, that, although he was a Democrat, he was sorry he had but one vote he could cast for Roosevelt.

"Any man," declared Sheridan, "that can make Mel Sheppard give us a medal and make Pat Conway forget all about Tammany Hall is the greatest man in the world.''

A Lover of Clean Sport
Then Martin would go on to state his true reasons for his great admiration of Roosevelt—the man's red-blooded Americanism, his love for clean, honest, manly sport, and his open hatred for the milksop and the crooked and unfair in athletics. Perhaps it can be said without exaggeration that nine-tenths of the sporting world felt the same sentiments toward the famous sportsman who on January 6, 1919, breasted the tape in the race of life.

No President, no man high in public life, ever had as great love for manly sports as Theodore Roosevelt, says George B. Underwood, the well-known sporting writer. Few professionals even had so many acquaintances in^ sport, amateur and professional, as the former President. He knew intimately and openly expressed his friendship for John L. Sullivan, Bob Fitzsimmons, Terry McGovern,1 and Prof. Mike Donovan, among the boxers; Billy Muldoon,   Ernest   Roeber,   and   Bill   Brown,   among   the wrestlers.

The American athletes who, upon President Roosevelt's invitation, visited him at Oyster Bay in 1908 were surprised at his knowledge of athletics and his familiarity with their doings.

The veteran trainer, Mike Murphy, was the first in line when the introductions were being made. "No need of introducing Murphy," broke in Mr. Roosevelt as the late James E. Sullivan was introducing the athlete. "Mike and I are old friends."

"Ah, Mr. Sheppard, glad to meet you," President Roosevelt exclaimed. '"That was a bully race you ran in the 800-meter event.

"Well, if here isn't Martin Sheridan, the greatest athlete of them all. Martin, you and I must have a little talk as soon as I meet the rest of the boys and we get a chance to get together.

"And little Johnny Hayes—the little man with the big, stout heart! Johnny, you showed the British something about Yankee grit and gameness, I reckon. Now tell me, weren't the middle stages of the Marathon harder on you than the last mile? Yes, I thought so. Once we get past the middle part of any difficult undertaking the worst is over. And how much weight did you lose ? Sixteen pounds! My word, I guess I'll have to go out and do a Marathon if it will take weight off that way."

What Athletics Did for Him
Through athletics Theodore Roosevelt developed from a puny, sickly child into a strong, robust man. Realizing the benefits accruing from indulgence in athletics, he continued to exercise regularly as long as he was able to. Just before his last sickness he spent a fortnight at a physical culture farm at Stamford, Conn.

When he became President Colonel Roosevelt gave a mild shock to the advocates of Jeffersonian simplicity and the worshipers of historic association by converting the Cabinet room of the White House into what he playfully declared the "Administration's Department of Physical Culture."

The- well-known Cabinet table, bookcases, maps, globes, clocks, chairs, rugs, bronze, and marble busts gave way to wrestling mats, shields, boxing gloves, foils, single-sticks, wire masks, and punching bags.

There Colonel Roosevelt used to box with the late Professor Mike Donovan, wrestle with Professor J. J. O'Brien of Boston, and joust with single-sticks with General Leonard Wood. It was there, also, that President Roosevelt took jiu-jitsu lessons from Hitachuyami, the famous master of the ancient art of the Samurai. On the tennis court outside the President daily would engage in matches, with Ambassador Jusserand of France generally as his partner. Across the Potomac was an open hilly section in which Colonel Roosevelt and Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts occasionally took cross-country runs.
Followed Football Closely
President Roosevelt always was a familiar figure at Harvard-Tale football games and at the boat races in New London. He especially was fond of football and watched the sport closely. Just how closely can be seen by the following incident:

On December 4, 1905, the committee to notify President Roosevelt that the House was organized and ready for business, including Representatives McCleary of Minnesota, Littauer of New York, and "Williams of Mississippi, called Secretary Loeb to ask when the President could see them. It then was approaching 3 o'clock.

"The President cannot see you between 3 and 6 o'clock," Mr. Loeb telephoned after a consultation with Colonel Roosevelt.

"Why not I" asked the committee.
"He is busy," said Loeb, and hung up the telephone.

The President was busy talking football with Walter Camp and Jack Owsley of Yale, Bill Reid and Dr. D. H. Nicholas of Harvard, Arthur T. Hillebrand and John B. Fine of Princeton. The previous football season had resulted in many more accidents than usual, and the President was of the opinion that for the good of the game the rules should be revised. It was for that purpose he had called Mr. Camp and his associates to Washington.
Letter to Harvard Fullback
Ernest Ver Weibe, the Harvard fullback, whose splendid rushes were largely responsible for Harvard getting within kicking distance for Vic Kennard to boot the drop kick that beat Yale in 1908, has a letter he will ever cherish. It is from President Roosevelt, who took time from a busy day, November 24, 1908, shortly after the game, to write Ver Weibe and tell him of the admiration he and every other Harvard man had for him.
Another Washington incident shows that the interest Mr. Roosevelt displayed in boxing while he was Police Commissioner in New York did not abate after he became President.
Near the completion of the Olympic Games in Athens in 1906, after America had piled up an unbeatable lead, James E. Sullivan, the American Olympic Commissioner, was found on the field and handed a cablegram. It read:
"Hearty congratulations to you and the American contestants. Uncle Sam is all right.
'' (Signed)	theodore Roosevelt. ''

Vice-President of P. S. A. L.
President Roosevelt was intensely interested in athletics for the young and was one of the sponsors of the Public Schools Athletic League. Up to his death he served as honorary vice-president of the League. Several times he turned down other engagements to attend P. S. A. L. meetings or to address the boys.

At a meeting of the State Mothers' Association in Albany, when Colonel Roosevelt was Governor, he told the mothers to "let the boys fight their battles, for it means better and stronger men."

Theodore Roosevelt always was on the' firing line for all that is good in sport and all that makes for better and truer Americans. He exercised the same good influence on honest, manly sports that he did in American politics, and his influence will live after him.
His Interest in Boxing
Theodore Roosevelt's interest in boxing developed when he was 14, and rose out of the primitive need of being able to protect himself against boys who sought to impose on him. At that time he ventured forth by himself on a trip to Moosehead Lake and on the stage coach that bore him there he met two mischievous boys of his own age who proceeded to make life miserable for him. Made desperate by their persecutions, he decided to lick them, but found that either one singly was more than a match for him.

Bitterly determined that he would not be again humiliated in this way, he resolved to learn how to defend himself, and, with his father's approval, started to learn boxing.

Mr. Roosevelt himself relates how, under the training of John Lee, an ex-prizefighter, whose rooms were ornamented with vivid pictures of ring champions and battles, he first put on the gloves. For a long period he was knocked around the ring with no other fighting quality in evidence but the ability to take punishment. But then, when his boxing master arranged a series of matches, he was entered in a lightweight contest and left to the care of his guardian angel.

Luckily his opponents chanced to be two youths whose ambitions greatly exceeded their science and muscular development, and, to the surprise of all concerned, he emerged the possessor of the prize cup for his class— a pewter mug that, though it would have been dear at 50 cents, was nevertheless a rich compensation for the knockdowns and bruises he had endured during his training.

A Harvard Contest
It is not until young Roosevelt entered Harvard that we again hear of his putting on the gloves.

In spite of his battle for health, Roosevelt was far from being a robust man when he entered college. A friend described him as appearing to be "physically undeveloped." Some such remark may have reached his ears, for, although he was engrossed in his studies and more than ever interested in natural history, he resumed vigorously the sport of boxing.

His near-sightedness had shut him out from baseball and football and he was too light for an oarsman. Good sight and full weight are major assets to a boxer, yet, lacking them, Roosevelt doggedly went ahead.

In the middle of a college bout time was called. He stopped boxing, but his opponent kept on, and the surprised Roosevelt found himself reeling from a blow on the nose. A cry of "Foul!" arose from the spectators.

Roosevelt, bleeding, protested to his friends to stop their protests. Above the clamor lie could be heard crying to the referee: "Stop! Stop! He didn't hear!" Whether or not his opponent really had heard is a matter of conjecture. However, the hubbub ceased; Roosevelt shook hands with his opponent; the bout was resumed, and Roosevelt fell on his adversary and gave him a beating that went down in the annals of college history.
A Championship Bout
In his account of Roosevelt as an outdoor man, Henry Beech Needham furnishes this interesting picture of Theodore in his college days:

"It was a bout to decide the lightweight championship of Harvard. The heavyweight and middleweight championships had been awarded. The contest for the men under 140 pounds was on. Roosevelt, then a junior, had defeated seven men. A senior had as many victories to his credit. They were pitted against each other in the finals. The senior was quite a bit taller than Roosevelt and his reach was longer. He also weighed more by six pounds, but Roosevelt was the quicker man on his feet and knew more of the science of boxing. The first round was vigorously contested. Roosevelt closed in at the very outset. Because of his bad eyes he realized that in-fighting gave him his only chance to win. Blows were exchanged with lightning rapidity, and they were hard blows. Roosevelt drew first blood, but soon his own nose was bleeding. At the call of time, however, he got the decision for the round.

"The senior had learned his lesson. Thereafter he would not permit Roosevelt to close in on him. With his longer reach, and aided by his antagonist's near-sightedness, he succeeded in landing frequent blows. Roosevelt worked hard, but to no avail. The round was awarded to the senior. In the third round the senior endeavored to pursue the same tactics, but with less success. The result of this round was a draw, and an extra round had to be sparred. Here superior weight and longer reach began to tell, but Roosevelt boxed gamely to the end. Said his antagonist: ' I can see him now as he came in fiercely to the attack. But I kept him off, taking no chances, and landing at long reach. I got the decision, but Roosevelt was far more scientific. Given good eyes, he would have defeated me easily."
The Wrestling Governor
When Mr. Roosevelt entered upon his public career heavy burdens were laid upon him, and to keep in condition to meet the hard physical and mental strain, he again turned to boxing and wrestling for exercise. When Governor of New York the champion middleweight wrestler of America came several evenings a week to wrestle with him. The news of the purchase of a wrestling mat for the Governor's mansion at Albany created consternation on the part of the State Comptroller, but was greeted with great enthusiasm by the red-blooded men to whom the Governor had become an idol. Many of these would have given all they possessed to have been able to stand at the edge of the mat and cheer their champion in his strenuous amusement. To the middleweight champion the job was a hard one. Not because he experienced any difficulty in downing the Governor, but because he was so awed by the Governor's position and responsibilities that he was always in dire anxiety lest the Governor should break an arm or crack a rib. This gingerly attitude of his opponent exasperated the Colonel. He didn't feel that it was fair for him to be straining like a tiger to get a half-
Nelson hold on the champion, while the latter seemed to feel that he must play the nurse to him. After repeated urgings, he managed to get the champion to throw him about in real earnest—then he was satisfied.

Colonel Roosevelt relates in his reminiscences that, while he was in the New York Legislature, he had as a sparring partner a second-rate prizefighter who used to come to his rooms every morning and put on the gloves for a half-hour. One morning he failed to arrive, but a few days later there came a letter from him. It developed that he was then in jail; that boxing had been simply an avocation with him, and that his principal business was that of a burglar.

Roosevelt was fond of boxing with "Mike" Donovan, trainer at the New York Athletic Club, as well as with William Muldoon, the wrestler and trainer. His opponents testify that the Colonel was handicapped by his poor sight. He wanted to see his adversary's eyes— to catch the gleam that comes before a blow. Roosevelt always maneuvered to see his opponent's face, and he liked to "mix in" when boxing.

Hard and heavy was the Colonel's method, and his opponents forced him to adapt his plan of fighting to theirs. It did not matter to Roosevelt. It was the striving, not the result, that interested him.
Boxing in the White House

Lieutenant Fortescue, a distant relative of the Roosevelt family, sometimes put on the gloves with the Colonel in the White House. One day, feeling in fighting trim, Fortescue asked the Colonel to box with him. Finally the latter agreed to go four rounds. According to Joseph Grant, detective sergeant of the Washington police department, detailed to the White House to "guard" the President, it was the fastest bout he ever saw.

"The Colonel began to knock Lieutenant Fortescue right and left in the second round," said the detective. "His right and left got to the army officer's jaw time after time, and the bout was stopped in the third round to prevent the army man from getting knocked out. Then the Colonel turned to me and said: 'I think I can do the same to you. Put on the gloves!'

"I drew them on reluctantly, and I put up the fight of my life. The best I could do was to prevent a decision and get a draw.''

Mr. Roosevelt numbered among his treasures a penholder Bob Fitzsimmons made for him out of a horseshoe, and a gold-mounted rabbit's foot which John L. Sullivan gave to him for a talisman when he went on his African trip.

He championed the cause of prizefighters on many occasions, though never hesitating to denounce the crookedness that has attended the commercializing of the ring. He held that powerful, vigorous men of strong animal development must have some way in which their spirits can find vent. His acts while Police Commissioner of New York show clearly how he distinguished between the art of boxing itself and the men who try to make money out of it. On one hand, he promoted the establishment of boxing clubs in bad neighborhoods in order to draw the attention of street gangs from knifing and gun-fighting. On the other hand, finding that the prize ring had become hopelessly debased and was run for the benefit of hangers-on who permitted brutality, in order to make money out of it, he aided, as Governor, in the passage of a bill putting a stop to professional boxing f jr money.
It was a sporting rule of the Colonel's not only to give as good a blow as he could, but also to take without squirming the hardest blow his opponent could deliver. The wrestler who hesitated to stand him on his head because he was Governor of New York exasperated him, nor would he have permitted a man to spar with him who held back his blows.

In recent years boxing and wrestling have been recognized and practiced by our army officers as valuable adjuncts to military training. Uncle Sam encouraged the science of fisticuffs on shipboard and in the training camps, under a committee headed by the famous ex-champion, James J. Corbett, because the positions and motions used in boxing are almost the same as those used in bayonet practice. The development of gameness in the recruit is another important benefit derived from the sport.

If Theodore Roosevelt had realized his desire to serve with the colors during the world war, he would undoubtedly have been an enthusiastic spectator at such of the army's ring battles as were within reach of him. Indeed, say the authors of "The Fighting Roosevelts," had he been still occupant of the White House it would not have been surprising to have heard of his inviting champions from the various cantonments to test their skill under the White House roof. Mr.  Roosevelt was first drawn to two naval chaplains, Fathers Chidwick and Rainey, through his discovery that each of them had Rought sets of boxing gloves and encouraged their crews in boxing. He was also intensely interested in jiu-jitsu, the "muscleless art." After taking a course of twenty lessons from his Japanese instructor, his enthusiasm over it led him to introduce jiu-jitsu instruction at Annapolis and West Point.
Fondness for Fisticuffs

A characteristic anecdote of Colonel Roosevelt's fondness for fisticuffs was related after his death by Mr. Robert J. Mooney, formerly associate publisher of the Chicago Inter Ocean. The scene was the President's office in the White House during the presidential campaign of 1904. Mr. Mooney said:

"I was in Washington August 18, 1904, being then on the editorial staff of the New York Tribune. A boyhood chum of mine—I do not care to mention his name, as he is still in the Government service—met me and asked if I knew the President and could get him an interview.

"I replied I knew William Loeb, the President's secretary, and would do my best. I called up Mr. Loeb, who told me to bring my friend to the White House. We went. There was a line of more than 100 people waiting. I sent my card in to Mr. Loeb, who came out in a few minutes and beckoned us to come in.

"In his private office the President hurried to greet us and said to my friend—who was amateur boxing and wrestling champion of the District of Columbia:

" 'You are the finest looking man in boxing togs I
ever saw. Now tell me—how did you knock out Blank
that night I saw you at the	club ?'

" 'Why, Mr. President, it was a punch like this,' he replied. He illustrated it in the air.

" 'Show it to me! Show it to me! Hit me on the chin as you hit him.'

"My friend did it, but softly.

" 'No, no; that won't do. Hit me hard. Hit me the way you hit him.'

My friend did it. He gave the President an awful punch in the jaw.
" 'That's it, that's it. I've got it now,' exclaimed the President delightedly. 'Now let me try it on you.'

"He did.   He hit my friend and sent him reeling.

" 'I've sure got it,' the Colonel said. 'I'm going to try it tomorrow on Lodge and Garfield. Won't they squirm?' And the President laughed like a boy.

"I said to him: 'Mr. President, you've got the strongest back I ever saw.'

" 'Yes, it is quite strong,' he replied, immensely pleased.

"Then I told him our errand.

" 'Yes, I know all about you,' he said to my friend. 'No man in the service is more entitled to promotion than you. You shall have it tomorrow.'

"We had been there an hour, talking and scuffling. I was scared for fear some secret service man might see us from the window.

"I learned afterward that among the waiting crowd were W. C. Beer, a member of the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co.; General Boynton, one of the managers of the Associated Press, and several politicians of national fame, who wished to see the President about his campaign."
Roosevelt as a Hunter

Colonel Roosevelt's fame as a hunter of big game is well founded. It was characteristic of him that he always obeyed his guides, and did his full part in every expedition. By the unanimous assertion of every man who ever went on a hunting trip that involved camp life for a considerable length of time, there is nothing like participation in such an expedition for bringing out and making clear the fundamental realities of character. It reveals both virtues and vices, strengths and weaknesses, and emphasizes them all. Not only are many of the restrictions and inhibitions created and enforced in ordinary community intercourse suddenly removed or weakened, but new demands are made for the endurance of inconveniences and the performance of hard and distasteful work.

For these reasons it is important to know what the celebrated hunter of big game in Africa, E. J. Cuninghame, says about Colonel Roosevelt as a companion on a hunting trip that was as long, as hard, and dangerous as a hunting trip could well be.

Mr. Cuninghame is a man not at all likely to give undeserved praise, and when he declares that the Colonel, on his famous African trip, met with extraordinary success all the requirements of an ideal associate in the wilds, he speaks with high authority and his verdict is decisive. It is to be noted, too, that among the virtues ascribed to the man so often accused of rash impulsiveness, of indocility to discipline, and disregard for the judgment of others, was that of scrupulous, cheerful, prompt obedience to the orders given and regulations laid down by the leader of the expedition. He submitted even when he did not understand, and though he sometimes questioned, it was after, not before, he obeyed. Hardships did not discourage him, troubles did not make him lose his temper, and dangers attracted him instead of dismaying him. This was the spirit of the true sportsman.

Mr. Cuninghame makes it quite clear that there survived in the Colonel most strongly, the joy in the chase and its triumphant ending that in the innumerable generations of the past was the hunter's reward for the labor on which, more than on any other, depended the welfare of the tribe.
Colonel Roosevelt danced and shouted with glee after shooting his first "tusker." But he was not a game butcher, and, though his killing usually lacked as excuse the primordial need for food, it was as far as possible from being an indiscriminate and brutal slaughter.
The Lover of Nature
John Burroughs, the great naturalist, declared that he did not know a man with a keener and more comprehensive interest in Nature and wild life, an interest both scientific and human. Speaking of President Roosevelt's trip to the Yellowstone Park in April, 1903, Burroughs said he was struck with the extent of his natural history knowledge and his trained powers of observation. On that occasion the naturalist was able to help the President identify only one bird. All the others the President recognized as quickly as Burroughs himself.

It was while the President's party was in the Yellowstone that he remarked:

"I heard a Bullock's oriole a little while ago."

"You may have heard one," was the polite objection of a man familiar with the country, "but I doubt it. Those birds won't come for two weeks yet."-

"I caught two bird notes which could not be those of any bird except an oriole," the President insisted.

"You may have the song twisted," observed a friend.

As the members of the party were seated at supper in the cabin that evening Mr. Roosevelt suddenly laid down his knife and fork, exclaiming, "Look! Look!"

On a shrub before the window was a Bullock's oriole. Nothing that happened on the whole trip seemed to please the President so much as that verification of his bird knowledge.
After a visit to the President at Sagamore Hill in 1907, John Burroughs wrote that the one passion of Roosevelt's life seemed to be natural history, for a new warbler that had appeared in the woods "seemed an event that threw the affairs of state and the Presidential succession into the background." He told a political 'visitor at that time that it would be impossible for him to discuss politics then, as he wanted to talk and hunt birds, and for that purpose he took his visitors with him.

"Fancy," suggests Burroughs, "a President of the United States stalking rapidly across bushy fields to the woods, eager as a boy and filled with the one idea of showing to his visitors the black-throated green warbler!"

On this walk the party passed a large and wide-spreading oak. The naturalist pointed to it and observed that it was a remarkable example of the noble tree.

"Yes, and you see by the branching of that oak," said the President, "that when it grew up this wood was an open field, and maybe under the plough; it is only in fields that oaks take that form."

"That is true," agreed the naturalist, "but for the minute when I first observed the tree my mind didn't take in that fact."

Knew Animals and Birds

"Do you see anything wrong with the head of that pronghorn?" asked Roosevelt as he handed Burroughs a copy of his "Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail."

It was a picture of a hunter bringing in an animal on the saddle behind him. Burroughs saw nothing wrong with the picture. The President took the naturalist into one of his rooms, where the mounted head of a pronghorn hung over the mantel, and pointed out that the eye was "close under the root of the horn," whereas the artist, Remington, had placed the eye in the picture two inches too low.

Mr. Roosevelt's interest in birds and natural history of course dated from his boyhood. Early in his teens he published a list of the birds in Franklin County, New York. He kept a bird journal at the age of 14, when he was in Egypt, and on that tour with his father up the Nile to Luxor his success as a naturalist was foreshadowed, for he made a collection of Egyptian birds found in the Nile Valley which is now in the Smithsonian Museum in Washington, D. G.

When he went to Harvard, it was his ambition to be a naturalist, but there he became convinced, it is said, that all the out-of-door worlds of natural history had been conquered and that the only worlds remaining were to be conquered through the laboratory, the microscope, and the scalpel.
A Really Great Naturalist

In his natural history studies, as in all his other undertakings, Colonel Roosevelt was most painstaking and accurate and on more than one occasion he emerged triumphant from a dispute with professional naturalists over some rare specimen.

Scientists generally acknowledged the Colonel an authority in this field. Carl Akeley, kead of the elephant-hunting expedition in Africa for the American Museum of Natural History, and now connected with the Elephant Hall of the museum, paid tribute after the Colonel's death to this phase of his accomplishments. Mr. Akeley, while hunting elephants in the African wilds, encountered the Roosevelt expedition there and hunted with the party for some days.
"Colonel Roosevelt was an amateur naturalist, and yet he was a naturalist of splendid training," said Mr. Akeley. "He had the keen eye and mind of the ideal naturalist and he was further aided by a phenomenal memory such as few men profess. He found infinite joy in studying wild animal life in its native haunts, and the least of his pleasure in killing it. His greatest pleasures lay in seeing and learning, thereby proving him an ideal naturalist.

"Many of his statements on the subject of his explorations and discoveries were twisted and ridiculed by hostile and ignorant critics. His enemies made great fun of the Eiver of Doubt, the uncharted stream he traced to its source in the South American wilds. But the facts remain that he rendered a great service to the science of geography by locating it exactly, and that the Brazilian Government named it after him, 'Rio Teodoro.'

"Incidentally, I believe that his exposure and trials on that Brazilian trip led to his death."

As a nature-lover at all times the President seems to have stood the test of being able to see little things as well as big things, and of seeing without effort and premeditation. Yet a degree of patience was required for the accumulation of his knowledge in these fields. The warblers, both in color and song, are bewildering to the experienced ornithologist. Nevertheless, John Burroughs says, the President had mastered every one of them.

He wrote Burroughs one day that he had just come in from walking with Mrs. Roosevelt about the White House grounds looking up the arriving warblers.

"Most of the warblers," he said, "were up in the tops of the trees, and I could not get a glimpse of them, but there was one with chestnut cheeks, with bright yellow behind the cheeks, and a yellow breast thickly streaked with black, which has puzzled me. I saw the black bur-rian, the summer yellow bird, and the black-throated green.''

But he did not let his yellow-breasted visitor go away without learning his name. A few days later he wrote: "I have identified the warbler. It is the Cape May."
His Love of Song Birds

The ordinary hunter or ranchman would hardly interrupt his story of cattle and game to write such a passage as this about song birds, as Mr. Roosevelt did in one of Ms hunting books:

"The meadow-lark is a singer of a higher order (than the plain skylark), deserving to rank with the best. Its song has length, variety, power, and rich melody; and there is in it sometimes a cadence of wild sadness inexpressibly touching. Yet I cannot say that either song would appeal to others as it appeals to me, fgr to me it comes forever laden with a hundred memories and associations; with the sight of dim hills reddening in the dawn, with the breath of the cold morning winds blowing across lonely plains, with the scent of flowers on the sunlight prairie, with the motion of fiery horses, with all the strong thrill of eager and buoyant life. I doubt if any man can judge dispassionately of the bird songs of his own country; he cannot disassociate them from the sights and sounds of the land that is so dear to him."
Tale of a Shrew

Mr. Roosevelt's eyes were continually alert for the unusual when on hunting excursions. Once while in the Selkirks after caribou, with a hunter and an Indian guide, he amused himself while resting after lunch by getting a specimen of rare animal life for a friend.   He says:

"I was sitting on a great stone by the edge of the brook, idly gazing at a water-wren which had come up from a short flight—I can call it nothing else—underneath the water, and was singing sweetly from a spray-splashed log. Suddenly a small animal swam across the little pool at my feet. It was less in size than a mouse, and as it paddled rapidly underneath the water its body seemed flattened like a disk and was spangled with tiny bubbles like specks of silver. It was a water-shrew, a rare little beast. I sat motionless and watched both the shrew and the water-wren—water-ousel, as it should rightly be named. The latter, emboldened by my quiet, presently flew by me to a little rapids close at hand, lighting on a round stone and then slipping unconcernedly into the swift water. Anon he emerged, stood on another stone, and trilled a few bars, though it was late in the season for singing, and then dived into the stream again. In a minute or two the shrew caught my eye again. It got into a little shallow eddy and caught a minute fish, which it carried to a half-sunken stone and greedily devoured, tugging voraciously at it as it held it down with its paws. Then its evil genius drove it into a small puddle alongside the brook, where I instantly pounced on it and slew it, for I knew a friend in the Smithsonian at Washington who would have coveted it greatly.''

        A MAN!
About his brow the laurel and the bay
Was often wreathed,—on this our memory dwells,— Upon whose bier in reverence today
We lay these immortelles.
His was a vital, virile, warrior soul;
If force were needed, he exalted force; Unswerving as the pole star to the pole,
He held his righteous course.
He smote at Wrong, if he believed it Wrong, As did the Knight, with stainless accolade;
He stood for Eight, unfalteringly strong, Forever unafraid.
With somewhat of the savant and the sage, He was, when all is said and sung, a man,
The flower imperishable of this valiant age,— A true American!
clinton scollard, in N. T. Sun.

 CHAPTER TWENTY
 ROOSEVELT  THE  AUTHOR
Literature His Profession—A Prolific Writer of History, Politics, Biography, Travel and Essays—Regular Contributor to the Magazines—His Versatility and Remarkable Output—A Master of Concise and Vigorous English—List of His Works.
In private life the vocation of Theodore Roosevelt was authorship. Literature was his profession from early days, and he practised it with the greatest success. He had many avocations, and entered with zeal into them all, but he was at all times essentially a writing man; and he has left his imprint indelibly on American literature.

Very early Mr. Roosevelt decided to use his pen. Though his fortune was enough to make it unnecessary to work merely for a living, he did tell friends when his family began to increase that he would have to write for money if he was to give his children the education he desired for them.

Almost from the time when he left college, and even during his Presidential term, essays, histories, biographies, and books of a narrative or descriptive character came from his facile pen with the regularity of the seasons, while numerous contributions to the magazines and reviews further attested to his literary activity. Within two years of his graduation from Harvard he published his first book, on the naval operations of the war between Great Britain and the United States, 1812-1815, which became at once, and still remains, the recognized authority for this period. His subsequent writings brought the American spirit before the world in its true light, for his pen was ever patriotic.

"When in 1884 he turned his back upon politics, shook the dust of New York from his feet, and buried himself in the North Dakota wilderness, he spent his evenings in his ranchhouse writing books. His "Hunting Trips of a Ranchman" and his "Life of Thomas Hart Benton" were both written in North Dakota.
"Systemized His Mind"
During his first twenty years of worldly adventure his mind had become filled with a vast store of ideas—some of his very own and some not his own. At the age of 40 he began to reduce them to order—to edit them, as it were, for publication, casting out the dubious and outworn and reducing the rest to a connected system. The result was his famous address on "The Strenuous Life," delivered before the Hamilton Club in Chicago, April 10, 1899 (see Chapter 9).

The principles of this philosophy of strenuosity may be reduced for brevity's sake, to four cardinal propositions, which have been stated as follows:
1.	The goal of the human race is the complete mastery of the natural forces which work toward its destruction.
2.	The only way a man can earn the right to life is by taking part in that battle to the limit of his skill and strength.
3.	The only way a woman can earn the right to life is by furnishing warriors for the fray.
4.	The man who shirks that fray and seeks to live by preying upon the warriors or who opposes them in the field or seeks to turn them aside from the main battle by setting them at one another, is an enemy to the human race.

In 1897 Mr. Roosevelt said: "Literature is my profession. Any usefulness that I may have depends, in my view, upon my willingness to quit politics at any time."

His style was direct. He had not at all cultivated the flowers of rhetoric. He never appeared in his work to have written only for his own amusement.

And Roosevelt the author did for the sports of the wilds what John Burroughs has done for the life of the fields and woodlands—made them into intimate pictures of American life.
Roosevelt on Reading

Mr. Roosevelt was a voracious reader. Where and how he found the time to keep up his reading, no one pretends to know. Almost every time he met an author, either well-known or obscure, he proved in two minutes' conversation that he was familiar with the latter's literary output. This pleased the author, of course, who was "delighted" to send him copies of everything he had written. Being "one of them literary fellers" himself, every author who had come within range of Roosevelt insisted upon an introduction and attempted to bind the friendship by forwarding a copy of everything he had ever written.

"A book must be interesting to the particular reader at that particular time," said the Colonel in his autobiography, "but there are tens of thousands of interesting books and some of them are sealed to some men and some to others; and some stir the soul at some given point of a man's life and yet convey no message at other times.
The reader, the book lover, must meet his own needs without paying too much attention to what his neighbors say those needs should be. He must not hypocritically pretend to like what he does not like. Yet at the same time he must avoid that most unpleasant of all the indications of puffed-up vanity which consists in treating mere individual, and perhaps unfortunate, idiosyncrasy as a matter of pride. I happen to be devoted to 'Macbeth,' whereas I very seldom read 'Hamlet' (though I like parts of it). Now I am humbly and sincerely conscious that this is a demerit in me and not in 'Hamlet'; and yet it would not do me any good to pretend that I like 'Hamlet' as much as 'Macbeth' when, as a matter of fact, I don't. . . . I enjoy the ballad and I don't enjoy the drama; and therefore the ballad is better for me, and this fact is not altered by the other fact that my own shortcomings are to blame in the matter."
Diversity of Reading

When he was President he economized his time so that he could get some reading. Lawrence Abbott, president of The Outlook, once called on him at the White House. The President laid down the volume he was reading, face down, so he could pick it up without loss of time.

"What is it, Mr. President?" Mr. Abbott asked.

'' Ferrero 's ' Rome.'   Of course, you have read it ?"

"No, I don't know about it."

''Well, you ought to. I got it because of a favorable review I saw in The Outlook."

When the Colonel was campaigning in 1912 a correspondent for the Kansas City Star was on his train in Kansas. Between speeches, he says, the Colonel was busy with a bulky volume.    It was Sutherland's "The Origin and Growth of the Moral Instinct.''
His Work as a Critic
The words of Lord Morley were often applied to Mr. Roosevelt when he entered an active political life: "A man of letters temporarily called to other duties."

Allan F. Westcott speaks of him as follows: "Among his ventures in literature, his work as a critic is of course subordinate to his historical writings and his chronicles of the chase. Even the term 'critic of literature' is no doubt larger than his writings of the type would warrant, for review-writing does not always lift itself into criticism, and the material Mr. Roosevelt has considered has not always been literature in the stricter sense. Gathered together, however, his critical papers, signed and unsigned, which have appeared in the magazines during the last twenty years, are more numerous than one might suppose, and, in the light of their authorship, of more than ephemeral value."
Wrote on Many Subjects
A list of his works shows his versatile mind and wide range of literary interests, for an examination of the appended list, with descriptions, shows that history, politics, biography, sociology, economics, and criticism have occupied his attention and time. And, in spite of the liberality of this showing there are plentiful evidences that he worked carefully and conscientiously. There are few marks of haste or unpreparedness in his writings, while all that has come to us from his pen is stamped by the personality of the man—his aggressiveness, positive-ness, honesty, determination and "go."

His Published Works

The published works of Theodore Roosevelt were, in the order of their appearance, as follows:

1.	"The Naval War of 1812" (1882).

2.	"Hunting Trips of a Ranchman" (1885). 

3.	"Life of Thomas Hart Benton" (1887).

4.	"Life of Gouverneur Morris" (1887). 

5.	"Ranch Life and Hunting Trails" (1888).

6.	"Essays on Practical Politics" (1888). 

7.	"New York" in "Historic Towns" (1890). 

8.	"American Big Game Hunting" (1893).

9.	'' The Wilderness Hunter " (1893).

10.	"Hero Tales from American History" with Henry Cabot Lodge, (1895).

11.	"Winning of the West," four volumes (1889-1896), the most important of his works.

12.	"American Ideals and Other Essays (1897), a collection of magazine articles.

13.	"Trail and Campfire" (1897).

14.	"Big Game Hunting in the Rockies and on the Great Plains" (1899).

15.	"The Rough Riders" (1899).

16.	"Life of Oliver Cromwell" (1899).

17.	"The Strenuous Life"  (1900), a collection of essays and addresses

18.	."Good Hunting of Big Game in the West" (1907). 

19.	"Addresses and Presidential Messages, 1902-1904" (1904). 

20.	"Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter" (1906), besides portions of works like Volume VI in '' History of the Royal Navy of England, " and the "Deer and Antelope of North America" (1902), in "The Deer Family." '

21.	African Game Trails" (1910). 

22.	'The New Nationalism" (1910). 

23.	'Realizable Ideals" (the Earl Lectures), (1912). 

24.	'Conservation of  Womanhood and Childhood" (1912).

25.	'History as Literature, and Other Essays" (1913). 

26.	'Theodore Roosevelt: an Autobiography" (1913). 

27.	'Life History of African  Game Animals," two volumes (1914).

28.	'Through the Brazilian Wilderness" (1914). 'America and the World War" (1915).

29.	" A Booklover's Holidays in the Open" (1916).

30.	"Fear God and Take Your Own Part" (1916).

31.	"Foes of Our Own Household" (1917).

32.	"National Strength and International Duty," Stafford Little Lectures, Princeton University (1917).

33.	'' The Great Adventure,'' his last book, published just before Christmas, 1918, by Scribner's.

Among his many popular magazine articles and addresses are: "American Ideals," "True Americanism," "The Many Virtues and Practical Politics," "The College Graduate and Public Life," "Phases of State Legislation," "How Not to Help Our Poorer Brother," "The Monroe Doctrine," "Washington's Forgotten Maxim," "National Life and Character," "Social Evolution," " The Law of Civilization and Decay," " Expansion and Peace," "Latitude and Longitude of Reform," "Fellow Feeling a Political Factor," "Civic Helpfulness," "Character and Success.".
"Winning of the West"

The first two volumes of "Winning of the West," Mr. Roosevelt's historical work of the greatest dignity and value, appeared in 1889. The third volume was published in 1894. Thus it appeared that for many years before he became active in national affairs he had been a student of the development and expansion of the United States. The fourth volume of this history was published in 1896, and in 1898 he planned to complete a fifth volume if he had not been elected Governor of New York.

The historical subjects he dealt with were American, each in some peculiar way, treating either of the absorption of territory into the national domain or, as in the "History of New York City," describing the making of a metropolis out of many and diversified peoples seeking freedom of opportunity within the gates of the "promised land."

He published a volume of essays in 1897, ten years after his first, calling it "American Ideals; and Other
Essays, Social and Political." The book dealt with the problems of that hour and sounded the keynote of his moral preaching. He told the story of the raising of the Rough Riders and of their part in Cuba in 1899. The "Life of Oliver Cromwell" followed, and the world could read of one man of action through the eyes of another man of action. Then came the "Strenuous Life," "The Deer Family," "Outdoor Pastimes of an American Hunter" and other volumes, followed by "African Game Trails," many scenes of which were written in camp just after the hunting excursions described.
High Praise from Authority

This volume, which has since become well known, was described by a writer for the National Geographic Society as an "unusual contribution to science, geography, literature and adventure. Naturalists will prize the accurate descriptions of the huge beasts by a hunter naturalist. He is the first naturalist of much experience with American big game to study all the large species of Africa, so that his comparisons and observations form a particularly valuable contribution to knowledge."

There was in general in all that Mr. Roosevelt wrote a certain metallic conciseness of style and effect. This was particularly noticeable in his long messages to Congress. But the "effect of plain statements often repeated and enlivened by striking phrases here and there which came about by accident or design was never absent in his many messages and speeches."

It was in describing experiences out-of-doors or in referring to wild animal or bird life that he gave his best evidences of a keenly emotional nature. Yet during his leadership of the Progressives in 1912 his public speaking took on an emotional character of such a nature that some of his speeches will hardly be found to be surpassed for sheer eloquence in the history of American oratory. The peroration of his Carnegie Hall address, for instance, stands unique, surcharged by all the circumstances attending it and through its literary form with emotion electric in its nature and effect.
Great Gift of Phrase-Making
His gift of phrase making was an essential part in his picturesque Americanism. His phrases frequently became a common part of the common speech, and few of those accepted have as yet become obsolete. Without effort apparently he made famous "the strenuous life," the "larger good," "the square deal," "the predatory rich," "mollycoddles and weaklings," "undesirable citizens," "beaten to a frazzle," "civic righteousness," "deliberate and infamous mendacity," "the big stick" and "the hat in the ring."

"His many-sidedness was literally indescribable. It defied observation and the power of anecdote. There can be little question of the rank to which history will assign him. That he was a tremendous force neither his personal nor his political friends or enemies ever denied.

"By Americans he was considered to be essentially American whether in his relations with men, in his contact with all sides of life, in his forcefulness, in his readiness to meet emergencies, in his commonplaces and epigrams, in his criticism of his times, whether artistic or literary. His literary observations always revealed him as an American first and foremost."

 A Favorite Poem
This poem by Hamlin Garland was one of Colonel Roosevelt's favorites:
0	wild woods and rivers and untrod sweeps of sod,
1	exult that I know you,
I have felt you and worshipped you.
I cannot be robbed of the memory
Of horse and plain,
Of bird and flower,
Nor the song of the illimitable West Wind.

 CHAPTER TWENTY ONE 
ANECDOTES OF ROOSEVELT
Interesting Little Stories that Will Long Survive the Beloved Colonel, Illustrating His Fearlessness, Energy, Versatility, Patriotism and Other Outstanding Traits of His Many-Sided Character.
The life of Theodore Roosevelt was a succession of dynamic events, and he put action into everything with which he came into contact. As President he fought red tape continually, was always impatient with the slow functioning of Congress, and spoke his 'mind freely. There were besides so many novel events in his career that good stories about him are told in abundance. Many of these anecdotes are reproduced in this chapter, including a large number that illustrate his amazing energy and versatility.
On every occasion the elemental human feelings of Colonel Roosevelt were apparent. When America got into the war he applied, not for command of the first expeditionary force, but for command of a brigade in that force—the lowest rank open to a man of his age. President Wilson refused his request. A Western newspaper man saw him in New York the next day. But he hardly mentioned the incident, although it was naturally a bitter disappointment to Mm.
The thing that was engrossing his thoughts was the word that his two oldest sons, who had obtained commissions at the Plattsburg training camp, had thrown up their commissions to enlist in the expeditionary force under Pershing.

"I wouldn't have it otherwise for the world," he said. "And yet I can't bring myself to think of it. I have lived my life. My work is probably done. It wouldn't make the slightest difference if I were killed. But it's different with boys with their lives before them. Of course I know in reason that if all my boys go over early in the war, they won't all come back. We can't talk about it yet at home.''
A few weeks later he remarked to a friend that for the first time in his life he couldn't sleep. He had always been able to throw off any worries while he was President. "But now," he said, "I wake up in the middle of the night wondering if the boys are all right, and thinking how I could tell their mother if anything happened."

Then came Quentin's death in France. A friend saw the Colonel at the Harvard Club a few minutes after the news had come.

'' I know what you want to say,'' the Colonel said, '' I know what is in your heart. But we mustn't think about that. The only thing to think of now is how to win the war."
The Roosevelt impulse to "speak right out in meeting" was indelibly impressed on the minds of a number of Denver citizens a few years ago. The innocent cause of the frank outburst was Judge Ben Lindsey of juvenile court fame, who was a friend of Colonel Roosevelt for years. The incident was staged at one of the side entrances of the Denver Auditorium, where Colonel Roosevelt was scheduled to deliver an address. The time was in early September, 1910. The late Mayor Speed headed the committee which had charge of the day's ceremonies. Inasmuch as Judge Lindsey and the "powers" controlling Denver at that time were very much at outs, Judge Lindsey was not invited to serve on the committee.

Desiring to at least say "How-do" to his distinguished friend, the judge stationed himself at the side entrance which the Colonel would use to reach the speaker's stand. As Colonel Roosevelt stepped from the motor ear preparatory to entering the building he saw Judge Lindsey. "Hello, there, Ben; where have you been keeping yourself? Come on in!" was the Roosevelt greeting.

"I have not been invited," replied Judge Lindsey, shaking hands. At once fire showed in the Colonel's eyes and, turning to the committee, he said:

"Gentlemen, haven't you made arrangements for Judge Lindsey to sit on the stage with us?"

"One of the party spoke up: "No, Mr. Roosevelt, we did not make any arrangements for the judge to be with
us."

"Well," snapped the Colonel, "he is going to be one of the party just the same—come along, Ben!"

Grabbing the astounded judge by the arm, Colonel Roosevelt piloted him to the stage and placed him in a front seat close to the speaker's stand.

The committee gasped a few times, but had not aword to say.		

The general public saw Colonel Roosevelt chiefly as a first-class fighting man, stern, energetic, dealing and taking heavy plows. To his friends, incuding jounralists in all parts of the country, he was altogether a different personality—"buoyant, exuberant, witty, full of boyish enthusiasm to the very end, and human to the last degree.''

A visitor from the Kansas City Star, for which the Colonel wrote a daily editorial, saw him at the Roosevelt Hospital in New York a fortnight before his death. He had been laid up for several weeks with rheumatism and was sitting in his dressing gown beside the bed. He listened with the greatest interest to the gossip that the visitor brought from Washington and commented on it with keen insight.

The subject of international relations came up, and he discussed other nations and leading foreign statesmen with the quaint humor that was characteristic of him.

"In dealing with the Japanese," he said, "we ought to do absolutely the reverse of what Hearst is doing. He is constantly denouncing and attacking them. We ought to treat the Japanese with the utmost politeness and consideration. When they join with us in patrolling the Mediterranean or in a Bed Cross drive, we ought to give them the most generous recognition. And then we ought to send the fleet around once in a while so they can look at it."

Then he added this general principle of diplomacy. "In dealing with other nations we ought always to get on beautifully unless we are prepared to protest about something and go to the mat over it. We should never take the middle course in wrangling- over matters that we don't intend to see through. That simply produces irritation and gets nowhere."

Of course this was simply another way of putting his famous maxim: "Speak softly and carry a big stick."
A leading Republican Senator had asked the Kansas City man to deliver a message to the Colonel.' Tell him for me,'' the Senator had said,'' that I think he is getting in bad with the people by talking so favorably about England. His saying that we ought to have a treaty for universal arbitration with England, and that we don't need a navy as big as England's—that sort of thing doesn't sit well."

The message was duly delivered with the comment that the visitor didn't agree with it. "Nor do I," exclaimed the Colonel. "I alienated the entire German vote in 1916 because I thought it was necessary to speak out against Germany in the war. Does anybody suppose I am going to keep from saying what I think ought to be said about England now, in order not to alienate the anti-English vote? I don't do business that way."
The talk drifted to President Wilson's latest address to Congress and his insistence on ratifying the Colombian treaty.

"It seems to me," he said, "that I merely applied the famous principle of 'self-determination for small peoples' to the state of Panama."
The League of Nations was mentioned, and the Colonel remarked that of course he was as anxious as anybody possibly could be to make the peace settlement as lasting as possible. "But I have had enough experience in affairs to know the danger of attempting to bind the American nation in a permanent alliance with the continent, '' he added. '' A friend of mine has been up arguing with me about it. He insisted that the people of Europe had had a change of heart on account of the war. 'Yes, I said, 'about as much as the people of New York would have if they all got together in a mass meeting and adopted resolutions that there should be no more vice in New York City.' "
Colonel Roosevelt had a host of friends in Philadelphia. His last words there were spoken at the Broad Street Station on the morning of January 10,1917:

"I've had a bully time."

He used the same words in describing his whole life. They might serve for his epitaph.
In 1902 the Colonel spoke at the dedication of the new Central High School building, Philadelphia.

He gave the boys the famous advice which he said he had heard on the football field: '' Don't flinch, don't foul, and hit the line hard."

A Philadelphia friend wrote him only a few days before his death, reminding him of an occasion on which he had uttered the same doctrine at Harvard when he talked to a small audience of undergraduates on "Playing for Harvard." Those were the days when he was Police Commissioner in New York.

Colonel Roosevelt's answer was dated January 1, 1919. In it he paid a warm tribute to "Dave" Goodrich, a leading athlete, who was his right-hand man in Cuba.

He said at Harvard, with his teeth set, as he restlessly paced the platform:

"If I had a son who refused to play polo for fear of breaking his neck—I'd disinherit him."

When the time came, none of his sons was found wanting.
At the beginning of Mr. Roosevelt's first administration as President he insisted on frequent target practice for the navy. He requested and received one very large appropriation for ammunition, and Congress expressed amazement when he demanded almost immediately more money. Asked what had happened to the first fund, he said:

"Every cent has been spent for powder and shot, and every bit of powder and shot has been fired."

When he was asked what he intended doing with the additional sum, he said:

"I shall use every dollar of that, too, within the next thirty days in practice shooting. That's what ammunition is made for—to burn."

Soon after that, Mr. Roosevelt, as President, prescribed that officers of the army, navy, and marine corps should ride ninety miles in three days as an endurance test. He rode ninety-eight miles himself in a driving storm of rain, snow, and sleet in one day. He left the White House at 3:40 a. m., rode to Warrenton, Va., and got back to the White House at 8:30 p. m.
James Bliss Townsend, who was born in Oyster Bay and had been a friend of Roosevelt from boyhood, told at a dinner after his death that he went to Colonel Roosevelt in 1916 and asked him what he would have done in the Lusitania case.

Colonel Roosevelt, according. to Mr Townsend, said that hindsight, of course, was easier to show than foresight, but that if he had been President he would have sent for Ambassador von Bernstorff immediately after the advertisements warning passengers not to travel on the Lusitania were printed in the newspapers. He said he would have asked if the advertisements were official, and if he had been told they were he would have given the German Ambassador and all of his staff two hours to get out and would have forced them to take passage on the Lusitania on what turned out to be her last voyage. Colonel Roosevelt added:

"I am sure the Lusitania would not have been sunk had I been the President then."
A year as physician at the "White House enables Captain George A. Lung, Medical Corps, U. S. N., commanding the New York Naval Hospital, Brooklyn, to recount many anecdotes of Colonel Roosevelt. Dr. Lung was detailed to the White House in August, 1902, and remained with the President a year.

"President Roosevelt was always a good patient," said Captain Lung. "He obeyed orders, though sometimes impatient about being kept in bed. He used to say: 'If I live long enough I will get well.'

"On our trips he used to thrust his head out of the car windows to wave at folk at railroad stations. We cautioned him against the danger of being shot or bombed and he would reply, 'Better put me in a conning tower.'

"In New Hampshire we were going up a steep hill. The Colonel got out and said he would hike it. I followed suit. The others remained in the carriage. He started up the hill at breakneck speed. I had on light patent leather shoes. For three miles we plodded on at a high pace. I panted and gasped. My collar wilted. I perspired. It was a pace of four miles an hour.

"At the end the Colonel was all in. So was I. But the 'President exclaimed, 'Great, bully!' I said, 'This exercise ought to be made a test for promotion.' The Colonel thumped his hands together and shouted, "By George, I'll do it!' And I have an idea that is what inspired his order that army officers go through severe physical tests."
Captain Lung was with him when the Colonel's carriage was run into by a trolley outside Pittsfield, Mass., September 3, 1902, and a secret service man in the carriage was killed.

"The car was filled with people," said the Captain, "who were on their way to the country club, to give the President a farewell cheer as he left the town. The President was thrown out and landed on his knees. I helped him to rise and gently squeezed his chest to see if any ribs were broken. He resented the action and asked to be left alone.

"Then he walked over to the motorman who had run him down and told him that if the collision was an accident it was excusable, but that if it were due to carelessness it was damnable. That was the only time I ever heard him utter a profane word.''
When the American fleet went to Kiel the Kaiser visited the flagship Louisiana and saw the President's photograph hanging in a conspicuous place and, upon leaving, he grandly presented a photograph of himself and said that if he had any preference as to where it should be hung he would select the spot President Roosevelt’s picture adorned. The substitution, it is hardly necessary to state, was not made. Colonel Roosevelt used to tell that story with a great deal of relish and laughed heartily at the idea of the Kaiser wanting to take his place.
Half a dozen Senators and Representatives were in the waiting room at the President's office one morning. None of them could get in to see the President, however. Finally a Senator said to Captain Loeffler: " Go in and see what's holding us up."

Loeffler came back and reported: '' The President is giving a reception to the Harvard baseball team.''

"Well," said another Senator, "tell him there are a lot of Senators and Representatives here." Loeffler went back and returned.

"What did he say?" chorused the waiting statesmen.
"
He said he knew it," replied Loeffler, "but he told me that Senators and Representatives must be taught their places when a Harvard delegation is about.''
Here is a story that Colonel Roosevelt told in the White House after Old Bill Sewall, his Maine guide, had called on him. They were on a moose hunt and were camped out in the woods.

One morning while Roosevelt was trying to keep warm and Bill was chopping wood a moose walked into the clearing. The President grabbed his rifle and fired.

The moose ran a short distance and then fell. Bill laid down his ax and dashed over to the moose.

'' You 've got him!" he yelled after a short inspection. "How did it happen?"

"Why, I aimed for his breast," the President said.

"First class!" shouted Bill, "first class! You done well. You hit him in the eye.''
The very house where the Colonel was born used to figure in anecdotage. It was an old brick front, 28 East Twentieth street, New York. In 1903 a detective squad raiding gamblers' places went through it. All the gambling evidence they could find was a pile of ashes in a fireplace, and a quaint gathering of sportive and furtive gentry busily playing checkers. But on a mantelpiece they discovered a hand-painted card, with the truthful legend: "President Roosevelt Was Born in This House."
This story has been vouched for by members of the Colonel's family: On the east side of Madison Square, when he used to play there as a little shaver, stood a Presbyterian church, and the sexton one day noticed the little 'un timidly peeping in. But he wouldn't come in for a look around; nothing could induce him. "I know what you've got in there," he explained. And later he confided to his mother that what the sexton had in there which was terrible was "the zeal," probably something like a dragon or an alligator. This reduced itself to his memory of Psalm Ixix, 9: "For the zeal of thine house hath eaten me up."
The Colonel liked to draw his illustrations from familiar and homely scenes. "Every now and then," he once said, "I have to remind myself that there are a lot of Jim Jimpsons in the world. I employ two men at Sagamore Hill. Jim always has been second man. On several occasions I tried to promote him to first place. But he could never hold the job. It was beyond his capacity. He was born at Oyster Bay and has never been to New York. Once he got as far as Mineola, but the magnificence of that metropolis overwhelmed him and he hurried back to Oyster Bay.
It was known of Colonel Roosevelt that he had a quick temper. He could use mighty harsh words in the heat of passion. But his strongest expressions when he was not excited were "By Godfrey!" and "By Jove!"
Colonel Roosevelt liked to pick out someone in his audience and talk straight to one person when making a speech in public. This often embarrassed the person selected. Formerly he always began with, "Ladies and gentlemen, and you"---------filling in the name of the particular body he was addressing. Of late years, however "My fellow citizens" was his favorite introduction.
Roosevelt's fondness for his Rough Riders was proverbial. Many stories are told of his custom of neglecting others for them. Thus Senator Bard of California took a constituent to see Roosevelt when he was President. The friend had served in the Rough Riders.

"Mr. President," began Bard, "I want to present my friend"	

"Why, hello, Jim!" the President broke in.    "How are you?"

And for ten minutes the President and Jim talked while Bard stood neglected. As the two were leaving Roosevelt said: "By the way, Jim, come up to dinner tonight and bring Bard with you.''
Jacob A. Riis wrote of Colonel Roosevelt once: "His love for children, especially for those who have not so good a time as some others, is as instinctive as his championship of all that needs a life. I doubt if he is aware of it himself. He does not recognize as real sympathy what he feels rather as a sense of duty.
"Yet I have seen him, when school children crowded around the rear platform of the train from which he was making campaign speeches to shake hands, catch the eye of a poor little crippled girl in a patched frock, who was making frantic but hopeless efforts to reach him in the outskirts of the crowd, and, pushing aside all the rest, make a way for her, to the great amusement of the curled darlings in the front row."
President Roosevelt's impatience of red tape was proverbial. The story is told of one committee that had been meeting him daily for a week in Washington, always to adjourn without perceptible progress. When the committee left on this occasion one of them said they would do something "tomorrow."

"Tomorrow!" the President exploded. "Gentlemen, if Noah had had to consult such a committee as this about building the ark, it wouldn't have been built yet."
There is one New York man to whom the Colonel owed a small financial debt—United States Marshal Thomas D. McCarthy.

"Yes, the Colonel was my debtor to the extent of one penny," said the Marshal. "Here's how it came about: On March 3, 1909, just as President Roosevelt was to retire in favor of President Taft, I was sent to Washington to present to him a handsome hunting knife, the gift of Justice, later Ambassador, James W. Gerard, with whose court I was associated at the time.

" 'Be sure to get a coin, a penny, from the President when you give him the knife,' the Justice told me. 'Remember the old superstition that a gift of that sort cuts friendship unless a small payment is made for it.'
"When I gave Colonel Roosevelt the knife I asked him for the penny. He didn 't have one in his pocket. Neither did his secretary, Mr. Loeb. Neither did Senator Chamberlain, who was present. So I volunteered: 'Here, Mr. President, I'll lend you a cent.' He took it and put it in his vest pocket.

"After ten minutes of conversation, during which time he gave me an autographed photograph for myself and a book for my father, who always admired him, the President suddenly reached into his pocket, withdrew the coin and said: 'Mr. McCarthy, it gives me great pleasure to hand you, in return for Judge Gerard's gift, this one-cent coin.' Ever since then I have prized the photograph and the book Mr. Roosevelt gave me as one of the most cherished possessions of my father. And I always have been proud of the fact that a President of the United States owed me a penny."
George William Douglas, in his book, "The Many-Sided Roosevelt," tells the following story of his life as a young man in the West:

"One evening after supper he was reading at a table in the public room of a frontier hotel, where he was passing the night. The room was office, dining room, barroom, and everything else. A man, half-drunk, came into the hotel with a swagger, marched up to the bar, and with a flourish of his arm, commanded everybody to drink. Everybody was willing to obey; that is, everybody but Mr. Roosevelt. He still sat at the table busy with his book.

" 'Who's that fellow?' the man asked, pointing in Roosevelt's direction.

" 'Oh, he's a tenderfoot, just arrived,' someone said.
" 'Humph,' he grunted. Then he turned square around and called out: 'Say, Mr. Four-eyes, I asked this house to drink. Did you hear me?'

"Mr. Roosevelt made no reply. The man swaggered over to him, pulling out his pistol and firing as he crossed the room.

" 'I want you to understand that when I ask a man to drink with me, that man's got to drink,' he threatened, fondling his still-smoking pistol.

" 'You must excuse me tonight. I do not care for anything to drink,' said Roosevelt.

" 'That don't go here. You just order your drink or there'll be more trouble.'

" 'Very well, sir,' Roosevelt replied, rising slowly to his feet and waiting till he was firmly poised on them before completing his remark. 'I do not care for anything, but if I must'	

"With the word 'must' he let his fist fly, striking the bully a terrific blow on the jaw and knocking him on the floor. In an instant Roosevelt was astride of him, with his knees holding down the man's arms. After taking away all the weapons he could find, he let the man up.

'' ' Now, I hope you understand, sir, that I do not care to drink with you,' said the young tenderfoot, who had hardened his muscle to some purpose before he went West.
Colonel Roosevelt himself was authority for the story about the time when, riding the ranges alone, reports of hostile Indians about notwithstanding, he noticed three mounted braves converging in his direction. As they were where friendly Indians had no business to be, he slid off his pony, set the sights of his Winchester for long range and showed himself aiming carefully, but did not pull the trigger. The trio talked it over and sheered off. Colonel Roosevelt said it was the nearest he ever had come to actual Indian fighting.
Probably no man of his time had more pictures taken of him than Colonel Roosevelt. They were stacked up in every newspaper office. Many stories are told of his experiences with photographers and here is one.

On his trip to South America, where he discovered the "River of Doubt," he was accompanied by several motion picture photographers. One was a free lance who was a trifle sensitive about his standing on board.

During the celebration of the Feast of Neptune, when the ship crossed the Equator, there was a pillow fight on a rail over a tank of water. The photographers lined up to get the picture of the struggle, with the Colonel in the background. One of the regular photographers slipped a cap over the free lance's camera.

One of the contestants had just been knocked off the pole into the water and Colonel Roosevelt, laughing and applauding, turned to the free lance, who was grinding away at his useless machine, and said:

'' Take off your cap, young man!''
The free lance frowned at the Colonel, thinking he was being joshed, and said:

"I am an Austro-Hungarian subject and have never become an American citizen. I don't see why I should.''

The Colonel, continuing to smile, said:

"I was merely going to say that if you will take the cap off the lens of your camera, we will have the bout fought over again so you can obtain a good picture."

The free lance sheepishly took off the cap from the camera, and then bared his head to Colonel Roosevelt.
"Better faithful than famous," used to be one of his characteristic sayings, wrote Jacob Riis in his life of the former President. "It has been his rule all his life. A classmate of Roosevelt told me recently of being present at a Harvard reunion where a professor told of asking a graduate what would be his work in life.

" ' 0,' said he,' really, you know, nothing seems to me much worth while.' Roosevelt got up and said to the professor:

" 'That fellow ought to have been knocked on the head. I would take my chances with a blackmailing policeman sooner than with him,' "
An old story about Mr. Roosevelt dates from his term as president of the old New York City Board of Police Commissioners, in 1896. Commissioner Roosevelt had been giving a little dinner to post office officials from Washington whom he had known there while United States Civil Service Commissioner.

"1 gave it," he told a newspaper man, "because of their hearty co-operation with me in civil service reform.''

"Was Fourth Assistant Robert Maxwell there?"— Maxwell being one official who notoriously hadn't "co-operated" to any alarming extent.

"No, no," came back with the Roosevelt snap, "and you mustn't be such a wag, either!"
The great courage of Mr. Roosevelt and his lack of fear were shown after he was shot in Milwaukee on October 14,1912. When he had recovered from his wound he was told that he was foolhardy to make a speech after he had been shot
"Why," said Roosevelt in reply, "you know I didn't think I had been mortally wounded. If I had been mortally wounded I would have bled from the lungs. When I got into the motor I coughed hard three times and put my hand up to my mouth; as I did not find any blood I thought I was not seriously hurt and went on with my speech."

It is remembered that when his physician on this occasion urged him to return to the hotel and not go to the Auditorium to speak, the Colonel replied, "I will deliver this speech or die, one or the other."

When he completed this memorable address his shoes were filled with blood that had rushed from his gaping chest wound. The Colonel displayed heroic courage of the highest type.
Along with his marvelous memory of people he had ever met anywhere, and of all the associations of the meetings, went a memory of each standing joke he had enjoyed with them. His reference to one of these jokes, in a telegram to a Western friend immediately after he was shot, in 1912, mystified so many people, who took it for anything from delirium to a private wire code, that he had to explain it.

"Probably a .38 on a .45 frame," he had telegraphed. The allusion was to revolvers and their calibres and had been a stock phrase of some old plainsman whom he and his friend had known.
E. J. Cunningham, the famous African hunter, who was in charge of Colonel Roosevelt's hunting expedition in East Africa, said he had never found "any other so easy to get along with, and no other man who, by his character, made every man in his service so anxious to do the best possible for him." He told the following story of "one very near squeak" the Colonel had. Said he:
"The Colonel was determined to get an elephant, and a tusker at that. I told him what that meant, and how much risk there was, but he said he was willing to face it. That was the Colonel all over. Tell him the risks and he would size them up quietly. If he decided they were worth while, that was all there was to it. He just went ahead and took them without saying another word.
"Well, we found an elephant in a forest on Genia Mountain. We had been hunting for three days, and it was really hard work for a man of the Colonel's bulk in that heat and at that altitude, 11,000 feet. At last I caught sight through a thick bush of elephant hide and a tusk, about thirty-five feet away, just enough to tell me it was a fine specimen. I pointed it out to the Colonel, and he fired with complete coolness and got the elephant in the ear and dropped him.

"As the shot went off the forest all around roared with trumpetings. We were in the midst of a herd of cows and young bulls, and one of the latter thrust his head through the bushes right over the Colonel's head. I was right behind him and fired at once and bowled it over. Then I rushed up to the Colonel and said: 'Are you all right, sir!' But I could see he was before I spoke. He hadn't turned a hair. At any moment the cows might have blundered through the bush over us, but he never thought of that. He went up to the old chap he had killed and gave it the coup-de-grace and then let himself loose. I never saw a man so boyishly jubilant."
For a long time after Roosevelt's return from Africa he was often referred to throughout the world as "Bwana Tumbo." That was the name given to him by the natives of Africa, and meant "Big Chief."
While Colonel Roosevelt was President he talked with the greatest freedom to the newspaper correspondents, always relying on their discretion to put what he said in diplomatic language. It was in these conversations that some of his famous epithets were first used.

"Senator So-and-So," he remarked, "seems to have sweetbreads for brains."

Of a somewhat effeminate public man he said: "Mollycoddle is too harsh a term to apply to Freddie."

"Yes, So-and-So is a loyal friend," he remarked on
another occasion,'' there is always in the back of his head
the feeling that if we were cast away on a desert island I
would kill and eat him." 	

In the last few weeks before his death, the question of the presidential nominee for 1920 was much in the minds of Republican congressional leaders in Washington. The feeling was general that Colonel Roosevelt had been the man who had been right on preparedness and on the Great War long in advance of anybody else; that he had blazed the way and made the issues, and that he had earned the party leadership. The Colonel himself was absolutely indifferent. He told his friends he would not turn his hand over for the nomination.

"So far as I am concerned," he said, "my position is exactly what it was in 1916. I am not at all concerned whether the party nominates me or not. What I am concerned in is that it nominates a man and adopts principles that I can support."
Mr. Roosevelt's passion for study and his purpose always to improve the time was displayed by his plan made soon after becoming Vice-President and following his realization that he would have much leisure, as the duties of the office were not onerous. He asked Justice White of the Supreme Court whether it would be dignified and becoming were he to attend a course of law at one of the Washington universities, to prepare himself for the bar. The Justice thought it would not be and suggested that he should give the Vice-President some law books for study and once a week "quiz" him. This plan was approved by Mr. Roosevelt, but the assassination of President McKinley interrupted its execution.
Just before the expiration of his last term Mr. Roosevelt was discussing the advisability of a pension for ex-Presidents. He himself didn't need one, he said, because he would be able to earn his living by writing. But Mr. Cleveland had been in extremely straitened circumstances until Mr. Ryan made him a trustee of the Equitable Life at $25,000 a year.

"A President who entertains much," he said, "can't save much money on $50,000 a year. The last time I entertained a distinguished foreign visitor with a state dinner I said to Mrs. Roosevelt: 'There goes another child's schooling for a year.'
Mr. Roosevelt's sense of humor is illustrated in remarks he ma"£.e in 1896 when speaking of the Southern Populists. He said:

"Refinement and comfort they are apt to consider quite as objectionable as immorality. That a man should change his clothes in the evening, that he should dine at any other hour than noon, impress these good people as being symptoms of depravity instead of merely trivial. A taste for learning and cultivated friends, and a tendency to bathe frequently, cause them the deepest suspicion. Senator Tillman's brother has been frequently elected to Congress upon the issue that he never wore either an overcoat or an undershirt."
A few days before the inauguration of Mr. Taft a party of insurgent Congressmen called at the White House to get help from the President in dealing with Speaker Cannon. Already the disposition of the former Secretary of War to ignore the man who made him President was noticeable.

"I'd like to help you with the new President," said Mr. Roosevelt, "but you remember the skipper of the Gloucester fisherman who said to Ms mate, 'All I want out of you, Mr. Jones, is civility—and damn little of that.' "
On leaving the White House President Roosevelt declined an offer of the presidency of a large corporation at a salary of $100,000 a year. He did this because he had determined to make no commercial use of his name. He accepted the office of associate editor of The Outlook at a salary of $12,000, because he believed it offered him the means to reach the people.
The people of Philadelphia still remember the Colonel as—waving his black Stetson—he swept into the fray there in October, 1914, in behalf of Pinchot and Vance McCormick versus Penrose.

He styled Penrose "one of a gang of political gun jrammed up against the wheel of his taxicab outside the First Regiment Armory while he made an out-of-door speech, his audience could fairly see his eyes flash and hear his teeth click. What a splendid physical energy it was that burned itself out prematurely!
Bishop Biermans, Vicar Apostolic of the Upper Nile, said in June of 1915, just after visiting Colonel Roosevelt at Oyster Bay:

'' He told me he would never again be the same man— that his trip to South Africa was too much for him.''
On June 10, 1917, the Colonel went to speak for a memorial meeting of the railway brotherhoods at the Metropolitan Opera House, Philadelphia.

He was as chock-a-block with vital electricity as Billy Sunday at the top of his form, said one of his hearers.

When he went to the Bellevue-Stratford for lunch, the elevator boy in his agitation passed the floor of the Blue Room.

" Don't be hard on him!'' exclaimed the Colonel. '' He probably thinks there is something of value in the Blue Boom that I might carry off with me, but he might know I am surrounded by detectives."
A few years ago the Colonel was visiting at the home of W. E. Nelson in Kansas City. Looking about the library, he said to a member of the family: "Where does your father keep his Greek dramatists ? You can always tell a man of real literary instincts by his Greek dramatists. '' Happily the Greek dramatists were in a fitting place on the book shelves.
The paper cover that publishers put on books is always a hotly disputed matter with readers. Those who detest it detest it. A visitor from the West who saw the Colonel not long before his death carried him a book on international affairs. The Colonel expressed his pleasure while removing the wrapper, crumpling it into a wad and throwing it on the floor.
At a state dinner when he was President a woman guest noticed with apparent disapproval that he refused a cigar.
"Why, Mr. President," she remonstrated. "Don't you smoke?"
"No, madam," he replied, "but I like to go to prize fights. Won't that do?"
"I had the honor," Colonel Roosevelt once said, "to be written up by Creel in "The Masses." I must say he took rather a jaundiced view of me."
John Mitchell, the great leader of the mine workers, was always a welcome visitor at the White House when Roosevelt was President. Organized labor was recognized by Roosevelt as a necessity. He believed in the enforcement of all labor laws and in the right of the workers to organize. In relation to the protective tariff he said: "I am for a protective tariff that gets past the mill offices down into the pockets of the workingmen."
A friend who visited the Colonel at the hospital heard of the numerous political visitors who were calling on him, including standpatters as well as progressives.

"My, my, Colonel," said the visitor, "what company you have been keeping.''
"Well," replied the Colonel with a grin, "like the late Colonel Breckinridge of Kentucky, 'I am not a narrow man.' "
As between two of his political antagonists who had fallen out Colonel Roosevelt remarked: "My position is one of malevolent neutrality."
Colonel Roosevelt always disclaimed being a genius. He said with regard to the successful man: "The average man who is successful—the average statesman, the average public servant, the average soldier, who wins what we call great success—is not a genius. He is a man who has merely the ordinary qualities, who has developed those ordinary qualities to a more than ordinary degree."
Many persons thought of Colonel Roosevelt as constantly figuring on politics, and how policies would affect him politically. The exact opposite was true. Men most intimately associated with him never heard him discuss his own political fortunes. The only thing he asked about a policy was: "Is it right?"
One day a strong Roosevelt Progressive met Senator Penrose, king of the old standpat crowd.

"What about the candidate, Senator?" he asked.

"Well, how about the Colonel?" answered Penrose.

"Oh, I'm for him, all right. But I didn't suppose you would be."

"I'm for him. He's about the squarest man I ever ran up against."
"Do you know the thing that makes me madder than almost anything else?" the Colonel once said to W. E. Nelson. "That is to see a husky man going along with his wife, letting her carry the baby. I know that sort of a fellow is no good."
A characteristic story is that of a friend who took him to task for some mistake he had made in one of his appointments. The former President in reply to the criticism said: "My dear sir, where you know of one mistake I have made, I know of ten."
In his capacity as contributor to the Kansas City Star the men on that paper say the Colonel was the most considerate of men to work with. He had nothing of the small man's pride in what he wrote.

"If you think any of my stuff is rotten," he said, "don't hesitate to throw it away. I always like criticism. Secretary Root was invaluable in my cabinet, because he was always ready to oppose my ideas. We used to go round and round, and when he didn't convince me I was wrong he frequently convinced me that I would have to modify my position. John Hay disagreed with me. But he was too kind-hearted to say so. So he didn't help me so much."

In his writings he was rarely humorous or ironical. In conversation he was habitually so.
Former Congressman Charles G. Washburn of Worcester, Mass., after remarking that Roosevelt had a lively sense of humor in his college days at Harvard, says in his book: "I remember well with what glee he told us that he had gone to Boston to get a basket of live lobsters for laboratory purposes and on the way back they escaped, much to the consternation of the women in the horse car."		
Colonel Roosevelt liked new martial or sporting implements things he could play with as keenly as any boy. In 1906 the Mikado sent the President as a token of esteem a complete suit of samurai armor from the thirteenth century. The President excused himself to an informal caller for a moment. Off went his frock coat and on went the armor. Presto! and he made a costume parade of one up and down the corridors of the White House.		

While the Colonel and his son Kermit were shooting in Africa, London Punch, with a genial inspiration, published a cartoon of the Roosevelts in the Egyptian desert carefully stalking the Sphinx. The Colonel was saying, '' Steady, Kermit; we must have one of these!'' When he saw it he was so pleased with it that he wrote to London and asked to have the original, which was sent to him.
Speaking of the Rough Riders, Colonel Roosevelt said: "It was necessary to get that regiment into action, otherwise it would have been laughed at. We came near being left behind, and I admit that I pulled every wire in sight to get that regiment to Cuba, and we got there. If we had not I should never have been President."
A cowboy who had been with him with the Rough Riders , sure of his sympathy, wrote him from a jail in Arizona:

"Dear Colonel:—I am in trouble. I shot a lady in the eye, but I did not intend to hit the lady, I was shooting at my wife."

To show the live sympathy that all who had been associated with him expected, a story is told that an old comrade in arms approached him and said: "Mr. President, I have been in jail a year for killing a gentleman."

"How did you do it?" asked the President, inquiring for the circumstances.

"Thirty-eight on a forty-five frame," replied the man, thinking that the only interest the President had was that of a comrade who wanted to know with what kind of a tool the trick was done.

(The Colonel referred to this incident in a telegram to a friend after the Milwaukee shooting.)
As a nature lover and observer the President became best known to the country in 1907, just after his criticism of the nature fakers and his own vigorous denials that his interest in nature and wild game was that of the sportsman merely.
President Roosevelt took a dignitary out with him for a stroll one afternoon, and in the course of the walk sighted a steep and rocky knoll, toward which he directed his course. He turned to his companion and observed as they began making the ascent: '' We must get up to the top here,'' and after much panting and laboring the feat was accomplished.

"And now, Mr. President," asked the official, "may I ask why we are up here?"

"Why, I came up here," returned Roosevelt laughing, "to see if you could make it."
Mr. Roosevelt was a tireless reader of books and on his long railroad trips usually carried half a dozen volumes. But the side pocket of his traveling coat always held one stoutly bound, well-thumbed book—a copy of "Plutarch's Lives." On campaign tours and pleasure jaunts he took a daily half-hour dose of Plutarch.

"I've read this little volume close to a thousand times," he said one day, "but it is ever new."
"Mr. Roosevelt's creed?" wrote Jacob Riis, his close friend for many years in police work in New York. '' Find it in a speech he made to the Bible Society. ' If we read the Book aright,' he said, 'we read a book that teaches us to go forth and do the work of the Lord in the world as we find it; to try to make things better in the world, even if only a little better, because we have lived in it. That kind of work can be done only by a man who is neither a weakling nor a coward; by a man who, in the fullest sense of the word, is a true Christian, like Great-heart, Bunyan's hero.' "
A message from Theodore Roosevelt was inserted in the Bibles given in 1917-18 to the American fighting men by the New York Bible Society. This message read:

"The teachings of the New Testament are foreshadowed in Micah's verse: 'What more doth the Lord require of thee than to do justice, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God?'

"Do justice; and therefore fight valiantly against the armies of Germany and Turkey, for these nations in this crisis stand for the reign of Moloch and Beelzebub on this earth.

"Love mercy; treat prisoners well; succor the wounded; treat every woman as if she were your sister; care for the little children, and be tender with the old and helpless.

"Walk humbly; you will do so if you study the life and teachings of the Saviour."
"Colonel Roosevelt's life," said Judge Ben Lindsey at a memorial meeting in Chicago, "was marked always by a fortitude which nothing could frighten. During the free silver campaign he went to Cripple Creek, the very center of the silver movement, to fight for the gold standard.

"His visit began by the citizens pelting him with stones. It ended by Theodore Roosevelt winning the population over. The same thing occurred in Denver.

"With this same fortitude he bore the news of his son's death. He was tremendously proud of his boys, as all America was. He said to me one day:

" 'Judge, if this war keeps up another year I won't have a son left. They're all bears when it comes to fighting, if the fighting is worth while. They're bears, every one of them.' "
During a visit to Palo Alto, Gal., Colonel Roosevelt standing on the platform of his railway car, singled out a wide-eyed boy just at the edge of the platform and made of him a hero in Boyville by leaning down and saying to him in a series of explosive sentences:

"Young man, be game, but be decent. If you are game, but not decent, it would be better to hunt you out of society."

The little fellow said, "Yes, sir!" and edged away to the outer rim of the crowd to think it over.
"Anyway, I've had a corking time!" Theodore Roosevelt said back in the '80s when beaten at the polls for Mayor of New York. "I've had a corking time," he repeated in March, 1909, turning over the Presidency to William Howard Taft. And on January 6, 1919, in the dawn, though no one mortal heard, would it not have been like him, glancing back at the broad roofs on Sagamore Hill, ere he hurried on to seek out Quentin in the shining ranks of the young men "gone west," to have said, yet once more, that he had had a corking time? He always did.
On one of President Roosevelt's Southern trips his train stopped at Charlotte, N. C. A committee of women, led by Mrs. Thomas J. Jackson, widow of General Stonewall Jackson, was at the depot to greet him. When he was introduced he referred to himself as by right a Southerner, and then being introduced to Mrs. Jackson he added a remark which simply flashed through the South.

"What? The widow of great Stonewall Jackson? Why, it is worth the whole trip down here to have a chance to shake your hand,'' and he reminded her that he had appointed her grandson to a cadetship at West Point.
Mr. Roosevelt once told this story at a cabinet meeting in Washington: As President, on a Western trip, an old Rough Rider of his boarded the train and renewed their acquaintance. Later the President received a letter from the cowboy asking for $150 to help him defend himself against a charge of stealing horses. The Colonel sent the money. A month later he received a letter from the cowboy thanking him for the money, but saying that he no longer needed it, as his political party "had elected their candidate for district attorney."
Theodore Roosevelt, as assistant secretary of the navy, was instrumental in the selection of Dewey to take charge of the Pacific squadron during the Spanish-American war. San Francisco and a few other cities objected. They did not know Dewey.

A delegation was sent to Washington to kick against the appointment. The delegation was finally turned over to Roosevelt. He listened patiently to their objections and said:

"Gentlemen, I cannot agree with you. We have looked up his record. We have looked him straight in the eyes. He is a fighter. We'll not change now. Pleased to have met you. Good day, gentlemen.''
A few days after President McKinley had been shot, when physicians had given the opinion that he would recover, no one felt more joyful than Vice President Roosevelt.

"To become President through the assassin's bullet means nothing to me,'' he said at the home of Ansley Wilcox in Buffalo. "Aside from the horror of having President McKinley die, * there is an additional horror in becoming his successor in that way. The thing that appeals to me is to be elected President. That is the way I want the honor to come if I am ever to receive it."
Roosevelt was in Idaho one day when he saw a copy of his book, "The Winning of the West," on a newsstand. In talking to the proprietor he casually asked, pointing to the book:

"Who is this man Roosevelt?"

"0, he is a ranch driver up in the cattle country," the man replied.
    “What do you think of his book ?"

"Well, I've always thought I'd like to meet the author and tell him if he 'd stuck to running ranches and not tried to write books, he'd cut a heap bigger figger at his trade."

"Theodore Roosevelt is a humorist," wrote Homer Davenport in the Philadelphia Public Ledger in 1910. "In the multitude of his strenuousness this, the most human of his accomplishments, has apparently been over looked. There is a similarity between his humor and Mark Twain's. If Colonel Roosevelt were on the vaudeville stage he would be a competitor of Harry Lauder. At Denver, at the stock growers' banquet during his recent western trip, Colonel Roosevelt was at his best. He made three speeches that day and was eating his sixth meal, yet he was in the best of fettle. You couldn't pick a hallful that could sit with faces straight through his story of the blue roan cow. He can make a joke as fascinating as he can the story of a sunset on the plains of Egypt."	_

Professor Thayer's "Life of John Hay" contains a good deal of delightful Rooseveltiana. Here is a letter that Mr. Hay, as Secretary of State, addressed to President Roosevelt on November 12, 1901.

"Count Quadt [of the German Embassy] has been hovering around the State Department in ever narrowing circles for three days, and at last swooped upon me this afternoon, saying that the Foreign Office, and even the palace, Unter den Linden, was in a state of intense anxiety to know how you received his Majesty's Chinese medal, conferred only upon the greatest sovereigns.

"As I had not been authorized by you to express your emotions I had to sail by dead reckoning, and considering the vast intrinsic value of the souvenir—I should say at least 30 cents—and its wonderful artistic merit, representing the German eagle eviscerating the Black Dragon, and its historical accuracy, which gives the world to understand that Germany was It and the rest of the universe nowhere, I took the responsibility of saying to Count Quadt that the President could not have received the medal with anything but emotions of pleasure commensurate with the high appreciation he entertains for the Emperor's majesty, and that a formal acknowledgment would be made in due course.

"He asked me if he was at liberty to say something like this to his government, and I said he was at liberty to say whatever the spirit moved him to utter.''
Here are other interesting passages from John Hay's diary:

"Nineteen hundred and four—January 17—The President came in for an hour and talked very amusingly on many matters. Among others he spoke of a letter received from an old lady in Canada denouncing him for having drunk a toast to Helen (Hay) at her wedding two years ago. The good soul had waited two years, hoping that the pulpit or the press would take up this enormity. 'Think,' she said, 'of the effect on your friends, on your children, on your own immortal soul, of such a thoughtless act!"
"March 18.—-At the Cabinet meeting today the President said someone had written asking if he wanted to annex any more islands. He answered: 'About as much as a gorged anaconda wants to swallow a porcupine wrong end to.' He was berating someone, when it was observed that the man was doubtless conscientious. 'Well,' he burst out, 'if a man has a conscience which leads him to do things like that he should take it out and look at ik—f or it is unhealthy.' ''
"April 26.—At the Cabinet meeting this morning the President talked of his Japanese wrestler, who is giving him lessons in jiu-jitsu. He says the muscles of his throat are so powerfully developed by-training that it is impossible for any ordinary man to strangle him. If the President succeeds once in a while in getting the better of him he says, 'Good! Lovely!' "
"May 8.—The President was reading 'Emerson's Days,' and came to the wonderful closing line, 'I, too late, under her solemn fillet saw the scorn.' I said, 'I fancy you do not know what that means.' ' Oh, do I not ? Perhaps the greatest men do not, but I in my soul know I am but the average man, and that only marvelous good fortune has brought me where I am.' '
"October 30.—The President came in for an hour. We talked a while about the campaign (1904) and at last he said, 'It seems a cheap sort of thing to say, and I would not say it to other people, but laying aside my own personal interests and hopes—for of course I desire intensely to succeed—I have the greatest pride that in this fight we are not only making it on clearly avowed principles, but we have the principles and the record to avow. How can I help being a little proud when I contrast the men and the considerations by which I am attacked and those by which I am defended?' "
And Hay tells how John Morley, the British statesman, had said, "The two things in America which strike me as most extraordinary are Niagara Falls and President Roosevelt."

"He is a superman if ever there was one," said Conan Doyle at the time of his last visit to the United States.

Roosevelt
At dawn he passed; no somber west, No evening star or twilight gray, No solemn close of weary day,
No dying sun; his way was best.
At dawn he passed, the long night through; For him no dusk, no mystic gleam Of fading light or pale wan dream;
He went at dawn as workers do.
Don't mourn, rejoice!   His words live on, Be ours to hold his message high, To fight his fights till perils fly
And traitors, cowards, fears are gone.
At dawn he passed where shadows lurk But to no mist-swept, ghostly land; His valiant soul and eager hand
Have found some new, still nobler work.
At dawn he passed, and marched away Beyond our little time and space With strange, new sunlight on his face
And new strength for another day.
—Paul McCurdy "Warner.

CHAPTER TWENTY TWO
 DEATH AND BURIAL
The End Comes in His Sleep—Death Caused by a Pulmonary Embolism—His Last Words—Last Message to the American People—None Present When he Died—Burial in Old Cemetery Near His Home—A Simple but Deeply Impressive Ceremony, Such as He Desired—Distinguished Men at the Funeral.

The End Comes in His Sleep Death Caused by a Pulmonary Embolism His Last Words Last Message to the American People None Present When he Died Burial in Old Cemetery Near His Home A Simple but Deeply Impressive Ceremony, Such as He Desired Distinguished Men at the Funeral.
Death came to Theodore Roosevelt with an unexpectedness that stunned the nation, despite the fact that recurrent illness was known to have afflicted his last years. He passed away in sleep in his home at Oyster Bay, N. Y., at 4:15 o'clock in the morning of Monday, January 6, 1919, in the sixty-first year of his age.

It was not the end that the American people would have chosen for their great leader, nor the end that he would perhaps have chosen for himself. But the unexpectedness of it sent a thrill around the world, while it filled his fellow-countrymen with a distinct sense of irreparable loss.

The cause of death was a pulmonary embolism; that is, a clot of blood was carried through an artery to the lungs, where it stopped the circulation. Weakening of the blood vessels which caused the embolism accompanied an attack of inflammatory rheumatism for which Colonel Roosevelt had been treated at Roosevelt Hospital, New York, from November 11 to Christmas Day, 1918, two weeks before the end. The original cause of both manifestations was the infection of a tooth, dating back twenty years.
All his life the former President had drawn unmercifully upon his marvelous store of energy. Nevertheless up to a comparatively late date, it was generally supposed that he had many years yet to live. But he survived his sixtieth birthday by only seventy days.

The Colonel's Last Words

His last words were spoken to his personal attendant, James Amos, a negro who was devoted to him. As Amos was sitting at the foot of the bed, the Colonel said:
''Please turn out the light, James. I am in for a bit of sleep.''
Because of a spell of hard breathing that the Colonel had experienced after he retired on Sunday evening, having had two visits from a physician in the course of the day, Mrs. Roosevelt had asked Amos to stay in her husband's room all night and watch him. Stepping into the room at 2 o'clock Monday morning, she found him sleeping quietly and Amos keeping vigil at the foot of the bed.

A little after 4 o'clock Amos sprang to the bedside, for the Colonel's breathing was labored. He touched his master's shoulder, but received no response and the breathing seemed to stop. He left the room to summon a nurse, Miss Alice Thorns, and she called Mrs. Roosevelt.

A telephone message to the village brought Dr. George W. Fallen, the Oyster Bay physician, who had attended the Roosevelt family for twenty-five years. Dr. Fallen motored fast to Sagamore Hill, but found Colonel Roosevelt dead. He had breathed his last some minutes before —apparently while the man-servant Amos was notifying the nurse.

At the time of the death, no one was with the Colonel at home except his wife, the nurse, and the servants. His cousin and summer neighbor, W. Emlen Roosevelt, called on Sunday, found the Colonel asleep, and hearing good reports of his progress went away without disturbing him. His secretary, Miss Josephine M. Strieker, was to have gone to Sagamore Hill from his New York office on the fateful Monday with editorials and letters that he had dictated at the end of the week.

Needless to say, Theodore Roosevelt was active to his last waking moment. On the Sunday evening before his death he corrected proofs of his last article for the Metropolitan Magazine, and in front of a log fire in his library, with Mrs. Roosevelt sitting beside him, wrote a letter to his son, Captain Kermit Roosevelt, and inclosed a set of the proofs.

His Final Message

On Saturday, January 4, he dictated a message which was read at a meeting of the American Defense Society at the Hippodrome, New York, on Sunday night, a few hours before he died. In this message he phrased afresh the thoughts that had been burning in his mind, and this was his last ringing message to the American people:

'' There must be no sagging back in the fight for Americanism, merely because the war is over. There are plenty of persons who have already made the assertion that they believe the American people have a short memory and that they intend to revive all the foreign associations which most directly interfere with the complete Americanization of our people.

'' Our principle in this matter should be simple. In the first place we should insist that if the immigrant who comes here in good faith becomes an American and assimilates himself to us, he shall be treated on an exact equality with everyone else, for it is an outrage to discriminate against any such man because of creed or birthplace or origin. But this is predicated upon the man's becoming in fact an American and nothing but an American. If he tries to keep segregated with men of his own origin and separated from the rest of America then he isn't doing his part as an American.

LIFE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT

"There can be no divided allegiance here. Any man who says he is an American, but something else also, isn't an American at all. We have room for but one flag, the American flag, and this excludes the red flag, which symbolizes all wars against liberty and civilization, just as much as it excludes any foreign flag of a nation to which we are hostile.

"We have room for but one language here, and that is the American language, for we intend to see that the crucible turns our people out as Americans, of American nationality, and not as dwellers in a polyglot boarding house; and we have room for but one soul loyalty, and that is loyalty to the American people.''

Captain Archie Roosevelt was to have read this characteristic message in the Hippodrome, but on the Saturday he and his wife received word from Boston of the death of her father, Thomas S. Lockwood.

Summoning of Relatives

Before 7 o'clock on Monday morning the secretary, Miss Strieker, learned over the telephone from Sagamore Hill of the Colonel's death. She wired all relatives in this country and also cabled Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., who .was in Germany with the Twenty-sixth Infantry, in the American army of occupation, and asked him to notify all relatives in Europe, including Captain Kermit Roosevelt, U. S. A., who was also on active service.

Captain Archie Roosevelt had not reached Boston when the word reached him. He left the train, and returning to New York arrived in Oyster Bay on Monday afternoon. Also came the Colonel's eldest daughter, Mrs. Nicholas Longworth, from Washington with her husband. Mrs. Richard H. Derby, who was Miss Ethel Roosevelt, was on her way from Aiken, S. C., where she and her two children went for the winter, Dr. Derby being in France with the medical corps of the army.

Meanwhile a group of relatives and close friends of the Roosevelts went to Sagamore Hill from New York.
There were Mr. and Mrs. Emlen Roosevelt, Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., and her mother, Mrs. Alexander; Elon H. Hooker, who was treasurer of the Progressive party in the brave days of 1912; Joseph W. Bishop, whom President Roosevelt made secretary of the Panama Canal Commission, and a few others. They found Mrs. Roosevelt bearing up well, everything considered, and after learning her wishes as to the funeral W. Emlen Roosevelt set about making the arrangements.

Airplanes Drop Wreaths

Late in the afternoon of the day of death three airplanes flew out of the south and circled over the rambling old mansion at the top of Sagamore Hill. Each bore two aviators. They dropped wreaths of laurel among the elms near the house—their tribute to the memory of the former President and their own dead comrade, his youngest son, who was shot down while flying over the German lines six months before.

The planes came from Hazlehurst Field, where Quentin Roosevelt learned the use of wings, where his father also made a short flight as a passenger, and whence Quentin often flew to visit his parents at Oyster Bay in the course of his novitiate. The commander of Hazlehurst Field, Lieutenant-Colonel M. S. Harmon, announced that an airplane watch would be maintained over Sagamore Hill day and night until the time of the funeral, one plane relieving another every few hours.

The Physicians' Statement

Late in the afternoon of Monday Emlen Roosevelt went to the village of Oyster Bay and gave to the waiting newspaper men this statement of the physicians:

"Colonel Roosevelt had been suffering from an attack of inflammatory rheumatism for about two months. His progress had been entirely satisfactory and his condition had not given cause for especial concern. On Sunday he was in good spirits and spent the evening with his family dictating letters. He retired at 11 o'clock, and about 4 in the morning his man, who occupied an adjoining room, noticed that while sleeping quietly Colonel Roosevelt's breathing was growing very shallow. He died almost immediately, without awakening from what seemed to be a natural sleep. The cause of death was an embolus.

"G. W. fallen, M. D.
'' john H. richards, M. D.
"john A. hartwell, M. D."

Dr. Fallen is the Oyster Bay physician, Dr. Richards is a New York specialist who had attended the Colonel at the Roosevelt Hospital, and Dr. Hartwell, who is a relative of Mrs. Alexander, was called into the case as a consultant.
The Final Illness

Colonel Roosevelt's final illness dated from February, 1918. It was on the fifth of that month that, following an operation on one of his ears, he was removed from Oyster Bay to the Roosevelt Hospital in New York. He remained there until March 3, meanwhile undergoing two more operations.

Two months later he insisted on keeping speaking engagements arranged for him in many cities, and until the fall continued to give from the platform his views on international affairs. In November he was forced to return to Roosevelt Hospital for treatment of rheumatism. He remained there until Christmas Day, when he returned to Sagamore Hill.

An Earlier Embolism

It was learned after his death that Colonel Roosevelt suffered a pulmonary embolism which almost cost him his life three weeks before he left Roosevelt Hospital on Christmas Day. This was revealed by Dr. John H. Richards in telling of the Colonel's condition during his last illness.

In the same manner as his death was caused, a clot of blood became detached from a thrumbosed vein. On this former occasion, however, the passage of this clot through the arteries to the lungs or the brain was checked in time to save the patient's life.

Dr. Richardson revealed in his statement that the Colonel's inflammatory rheumatism, from which he suffered acutely at times, was traceable twenty years back to an infected tooth. This infection spread to nearly all the joints in the Colonel's body as the years went on.

The physician asserted that the Colonel had never suffered from mastoiditis, as was reported when he went under the operation a year before for an abscess of the inner ear, and that neither this operation nor the fever which he contracted while in South America could in any way be considered a contributory cause toward Ms death.

Effect of Quentin's Fate

It is probable that one thing which contributed to the losing fight of the Colonel was the anxiety in the summer of 1918 regarding the fate of his son Quentin. For some weeks previous to confirmation of his death there were reports that he had possibly been taken prisoner by the Germans and might turn up alive. This suspense added to the distress of the Roosevelt household.

When the sad news of the son's death finally was officially confirmed, General Pershing cabled Colonel Roosevelt that if desired the body of Quentin would be removed to America. France meanwhile had paid the fullest honors to the dead aviator and the Roosevelt family declined to accept the War Department's offer. In a letter to the Chief of Staff at Washington, Colonel Roosevelt wrote:

"Mrs. Roosevelt and I wish to enter a most respectful but most emphatic protest against the proposed course so far as our son Quentin is concerned. We have always believed that " 'Where the tree falls, There let it lie.'

"We know that many good persons feel entirely different, but to us it is painful and harrowing long after death to move the poor body from which the soul has fled. We greatly prefer that Quentin shall continue to lie on the spot where he fell in battle and where the foeman buried him.

"After the war is over Mrs. Roosevelt and I intend to visit the grave and then to have a small stone put up by us, but not disturbing what has already been erected to his memory by his friends and American comrades-inarms."
The News in the Country

The news of the Colonel's death plunged the entire country into mourning. It came with a shock that made it almost unbelievable, but confirmation of the news sent the flags fluttering to half-mast in every city, town, and village throughout the land and started a flood of messages of sympathy and grief toward Oyster Bay. That village, stunned by the news, then prostrated by grief, did but typify all America. There the Colonel was fully appreciated as a world figure, but he also was looked upon as a fellow-townsman, like the village blacksmith or any other local citizen. Before night in the windows of nearly every store and residence were pictures of the former President, draped with crepe and surrounded by American flags—the emblems that he loved.

Colonel Roosevelt's old servants were inconsolable. All who ever served him were Ms friends. James Amos, to whom he addressed his last words, and his coachman, Charles Lee, had both been with him since his White House days.

"I have lost the best friend I have ever had," Lee said. "Yes, sir, the best friend that anybody ever had in all this world."

Last Public Appearances

On Labor Day, 1918, the Colonel celebrated a ship launching at Newburgh, N. Y., keeping a long standing promise, and had to shake so many persons' hands that he got no luncheon.. Late in October, just before election, he spoke at a Carnegie Hall meeting, called in the interest of the Whitman gubernatorial ticket, but on account of President Wilson's appeal to the people to elect a purely Democratic Congress it was converted into an answer to the President and a challenge.

Never did the Colonel blaze brighter than on that memorable night; his last act before going to the meeting was to dictate an "insert" for his speech, answering assertions that had been made about his own and William McKinley's appeals for partisan support when they were Presidents.

In the following week he again spoke in Carnegie Hall, this time in behalf of support for the Negro war unit. That was his last public utterance—an appeal for the Negro. The next morning the Colonel's right hand was swollen, and he did not leave his home until December 11, the day the European armistice was signed, when he went to the hospital again. When he emerged, on December 25, the public supposed that he merely had a furlough for Christmas and would return to the hospital. He motored to Sagamore Hill.

On the lawn was Mrs. Derby's little son, calling, "Conie, granda, we must go in and see what Santy has brought for Christmas." They had a rousing family party. Thereafter the Colonel did not leave Sagamore Hill, except for a trip or two to the village in his automobile.

Worked Despite His Pain

He and Mrs. Roosevelt walked about their grounds a good deal, but for him the Colonel led a very quiet life. Rheumatism had caused his left hand and leg to swell, and he suffered a good deal of pain, but worked at his desk prodigiously.

Always at Christmas time, except when the Roose-velts were in the White House or the head of the family was away exploring the far corners of the earth, he was accustomed to go on Christmas Eve down to the Cove School, where his flock had learned their A, B, C's, with presents which he would distribute to the children and then make a little talk which Oyster Bay folks would regard as better than any of his Presidential addresses. He could not go this time. Captain Archie Roosevelt represented him at the school's Christmas party, and handed the gifts around.

On New Year's Day, as the doctors revealed after his death, there was an acute attack of the inflammatory rheumatism, which was alarming, but did not last long. Dr. Fallen of Oyster Bay visited the patient twice a day and Dr. Richards and Dr. Hartwell also went to Sagamore Hill at regular intervals.

In High Spirits Sunday

On Sunday morning, January 5, Dr. Fallen found the Colonel in high spirits, and again at 8 o 'clock in the evening. In fact, the doctor had considerable trouble in getting the Colonel to talk about himself and how he felt. In his characteristic manner the former President was bubbling with talk about everything else under the sun.

He always acted as if he took his ailments lightly, although well aware that they might prove serious. At 11 o'clock on Sunday night the Oyster Bay physician was called again to Sagamore Hill. The nurse said that the Colonel had had a spell of shortness of breath. The Colonel himself said to the doctor:

"I felt as if my heart was going to stop beating. I couldn't seem to get a long breath."

"But the Colonel was not pale or nervous," Dr. Fallen said. He looked just as he usually did. His voice was as hearty as ever. In fact, he was quite jovial. There was nothing in his appearance to indicate what had occurred."

"Did he have any feeling that the end was near?" the physician was asked.

'' None whatever,'' was the answer. Dr. Fallen added that he examined the patient thoroughly, and detected no sign of trouble with the heart or the lungs. He left after twenty minutes or so and the Colonel retired. Then came the telephone call after 4 o 'clock in the morning, and the finding of Colonel Roosevelt dead in his bed. He lay on his left side with his arms folded in an attitude of natural sleep. His expression was serenity itself. The doctor was sure that the Colonel had not suffered, but had passed painlessly away.

How far he was from feeling any foreshadowing of the end was shown by a letter received on the day of his death by a meeting of the Independent Citizens' Committee on Welcoming Returning Soldiers, of which he had been elected honorary chairman. It was written by his wife and said:

"Rheumatism has invaded Mr. Roosevelt's right hand and he wants me to write that he has telegraphed his acceptance. This is to assure you that he will be at your call by springtime.''

Funeral at Oyster Bay

The simplest obsequies ever accorded a man of great public distinction were those of Theodore Roosevelt. This was in accordance with his own expressed desire, and his wishes were faithfully carried out by his family and friends. Thus in .his death he once more gave the lie to those who had ignorantly charged him with ostentation and an uncontrollable desire for the limelight. In his death and the chosen manner of his burial, he was as simple and sincere as he had ever been in life to all who really knew him.

There was no lying-in-state, no eulogy over his grave, no special music and no honorary pallbearers at his funeral. He was laid away with the simplest rites of Christian burial. But as that simple funeral took place, a hush fell over the land. The wheels of industry were stopped and men stood bareheaded on the street in cities from Maine to California, in honor of him who was being laid to rest.

The funeral took place on the afternoon of Wednesday, January 8, 1919, two days after the Colonel died. In a casket wrapped with the American flag, the body was first taken to Christ Church, Oyster Bay, for a brief service, and was then interred in the Youngs' Memorial Cemetery, in a grave near the summit of a steep hill which looks out on Oyster Bay Cove and across the cove to the Roosevelt home on Sagamore Hill.

Service in the Home

At noon the Roosevelt family and very close friends of the Colonel gathered in the trophy room, where the master of Sagamore Hill had delighted visitors from many lands with his inimitable accounts of how he came by the treasures that were there stored. The group assembled for this first intimate service numbered about seventy-five. Mrs. Roosevelt was present, but did not go to the church or cemetery. The rector of Christ Church. Rev. George E. Talmadge, who has had the Oyster Bay parish for eight years and whose fondness for the Colonel was reciprocated, read a few simple prayers and then the Ninety-first Psalm, beginning:
"He that dwelleth in the secret place of the Most High shall abide under the shadow of the Almighty.''

Procession to Church

In a few moments this part of the ceremonies was ended. Closed automobiles were waiting, when the coffin was carried out to the motor hearse. Into the first stepped Mrs. Nicholas Longworth and Mrs. Richard Derby, the Colonel's daughters; his sister, Mrs. Douglas Robinson; Mrs. Archibald Roosevelt, wife of the Captain, and Mr. Longworth. The chauffeur was the negro, Charlie Lee. Capt. Roosevelt and Theodore Douglas Robinson, nephew of the former President, had gone on to the church to take charge of the seating arrangements.

Snow had been falling since dawn in great, slow settling flakes that gave promise of an early clearing. As the procession turned into the Cove road from Sagamore Hill the first real sunlight of the day appeared. As the cars moved toward town, in front rode Capt. Edward Bourke of the New York Police Department who, according to tradition, won the then Police Commissioner Roosevelt’s attention when Bourke shouted " Gangway!" one morning when the Commissioner entered headquarters. The Colonel asked Bourke if he hadn't been a sailor. Bourke had indeed. He had been in the United States Navy. Roosevelt pushed him along in the Department, and the two became fast friends, as anyone may read in the Colonel's autobiography.

Bourke on horseback cantered ahead of the procession, and on either side of the hearse were three other giants of New York's mounted police, who with their captain formed the escort of honor.

While the cortege was approaching the village over the two miles or so of road skirting the Cove between Oyster Bay and Sagamore Hill, twenty-five New York policemen, not one less than six feet tall and some towering to six feet five, formed a line around the church. Service in Christ Church

Christ Episcopal Church, where the funeral service was held, was founded in 1705 and rebuilt in 1878. It was the church which the Colonel and his family usually attended when at home, there being no Dutch Reformed Church in the village and Mrs. Roosevelt being an Episcopalian. The church would accommodate less than 500 persons, so that admittance for the funeral was by card only. The cards were issued from the Colonel's New York office, at 347 Madison Avenue, and were given only to relatives and close friends.

Seated side by side in the first pew of the church were the representatives of the army and navy—General Peyton C. March and Admiral Cameron McR. Winslow—with their hands resting on the hilts of their swords, from which hung knots of crepe. Vice-President Marshall, representing President Wilson and the Government of the United States, was in the front of the church, where also were seated the members of the Congressional delegation, old political friends and old political foes of Colonel Roosevelt, equally anxious to do honor to his great memory. The pews were filled, the sides of the church were lined with men and women standing, and small rooms communicating with the nave of the church held those for whom room could not be otherwise provided.

The church was decorated with laurel which had been left since Christmas.

Though the family had requested that no flowers be sent, the friends would not be denied that sad privilege, and the chancel was covered with floral pieces. One of these was a wreath of pink and white carnations sent in accordance with cable directions from President Wilson. A large wreath in the foreground bore a wide ribbon marked "United States Senate" in gold letters. A bunch of pink and white carnations was sent by the officers of the battleship Indiana. A piece made of heather, pink roses, and violets came from a Japanese organization, the Osaka Osahe. The American Historical Association of Washington sent a cluster of lilies. Orchids, violets, and peach blossoms came from the Republican National Committee. Floral pieces came also from the American Defense Society, the Camp Fire Club of America, the National Institute of Arts and Letters, the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Boone and Crockett Club, and other organizations.

As the church began to fill there was interest in another decoration of the rear wall of the edifice of which Colonel Roosevelt was particularly proud—two sheets of foolscap, under glass, on which were written with pen and ink the names of ninety-eight members of the parish who had entered the national service, the first four names being Roosevelts, and the one name of the ninety-eight distinguished by a gold star being that of Quentin Roosevelt.

Allied Nations Send Delegates

When the church had filled many were in uniform besides the official representatives of the army and navy. There were officers present in British and French uniforms, and most of the nations of the Allies were represented by military or diplomatic delegates.

Captain Archibald Roosevelt, thin, very pale and only partly recovered from his wounds, wearing the Croix de Guerre and two other medals on Ms breast, moved up and down the center aisle of the church, acting as usher. He gave a respectful military salute when the official representatives of the nation arrived and took them to their seats. He saluted and gripped the hand of ex-President Taft. Others who acted as ushers were William Loeb, Jr., Theodore Douglas Robinson, and Representative Nicholas Longworth.

Just before the service began the sun broke out for the first time during the day. During the morning the snow fell so thickly as to make flying impracticable and the airplane watch over the Roosevelt home was discontinued. At about noon the snowfall ceased, but the sky remained overcast. At 12:50 o'clock, just three minutes before the service began, however, rays of sunlight fell on the stained glass windows, lessening the gloom in the church and touching it here and there with faint glows of
purple, yellow, and ruby.

Arrival at the Church

The funeral party from Sagamore Hill arrived seven minutes before 1 o 'clock. Reciting the words of the processional, beginning, "I am the resurrection and the life, saith the Lord," the rector, Dr. G. E. Talmadge, walked up the aisle, preceding the coffin, carried by six men. The coffin bore the American flag and upon that a wreath and two banners, the regimental standard of the Rough Riders and the national standard of the Rough Riders. The wreath was the gift of the members of Colonel Roosevelt’s famous regiment who were in attendance at the funeral. It was of bronze laurel, intertwined with a rare acacia, the yellow being the cavalry color.
In clear tones the rector read the service, while the 500 persons in the church, Americans and foreigners, whose mourning symbolized that of the United States and of the allied nations, sat with grave faces. Some of the devoted admirers of Colonel Roosevelt could not control themselves and covered their faces with their hands. It was plain that only the simplicity and formality of the service made it possible to go through with it without an outburst of uncontrollable grief. Had there been a eulogy, the feelings of the men and women in the church would have broken all bounds.
The first variation from the ritual order for the burial of the dead was the reading by Dr. Talmadge of the hymn, "How Firm a Foundation," which was Colonel Roosevelt's favorite, and the following prayer attributed to Cardinal Newman:

0, Lord, support us all the day long of this troublous life, until the shadows lengthen and evening comes and the busy world is hushed and the fever of life is over and our work is done. Them of Thy great mercy grant us a safe lodging and a holy rest and peace at the last, through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen.

(The music note to the hymn can be found in the photo section)

Colonel Roosevelt’s Favorite Hymn, with Two Tunes to Which it is sung.

How firm a Foundation

1.	How firm a foun-da-tion, ye saints of the Lord, Is  laid for your faith in His
2.	“Fear not, I am with thee, O be not dis-mayed, For I am thy God, I will
3.	“when thro’ the deep water I call  thee to go,  The riv-ers f sorrow shall
4.	“When thro’ fi-ery tri- als thy path-way shall lie, My grace, all-suf – ficient, shall

1.	ex-cel-lent word! What more can He say than to you He hath said,  To you, who for
2.	still give thee aid; For   I will be with thee, thky tri-als to bless, And sanc-ti-fy
3.	not  o-verflow;For   I will be with thee, thy tri-als to bless,  And sanc-ti-fy
4.	be   thy sup-ply, The flames shall not hurt thee;I on-ly de-sign  Thy dross to con-

1.	ref-uge to Je – sus have fled? To you, who for ref-uge to Je-sus have fled?
2.	Gra-cious,om-nip  - o-tent hand, Up-held by my gra-cious,om-nip-o-tent hand
3.	To thee thy deep-est dis-tress. And sac-ti-fy  to thee thy deep-est distress.
4.	Sume,and thy gold to re – fine, Thy dross to consume, and thy gold to re-fine.”

 An Affecting Incident

In one other respect the service in the church differed from the expected. That departure was a glowing thing, distinguishing the formalities of this service from all others, as the man who lay there was distinguished among men. When the moment for the benediction arrived, the Rev. Dr. Talmadge advanced in the chancel and raising his hands uttered the name "Theodore!" He looked straight at the sealed coffin and seemed to be speaking to the one who lay therein.

"Theodore," he said, "the Lord bless you and keep you; the Lord make his face to shine upon you and be gracious unto you; the Lord lift up his countenance upon you and give you peace, both now and evermore. Amen."

These words, omitting the salutation, are found in the Book of Common Prayer. The minister of Christ Church had adapted them to this occasion, and in so doing had transfigured them. The effect was most stirring.

The congregation rose then as the bearers lifted the coffin and carried it down the aisle. Into the silence broke the tolling of the church bell. Each clang of the hammer was echoed by the answering bell in the steeple of the Presbyterian Church nearby. Thus the former President was borne to the portico.

Those in the church moved slowly outside into a clear space about the edifice which had been drawn by the New York traffic policemen.

Up and down the street, outside the police lines, were from 3,000 to 4,000 men, women, and children of Oyster Bay and visitors from New York and elsewhere.

Representative Joseph Gr. Cannon of Illinois, with his head bowed, walked out of the church in the Congressional delegation near Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives, who also appeared much affected. Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, and an old personal friend of Colonel Roosevelt, wore an expression of deepest grief. Some of the other official representatives at the funeral were Governor Alfred E. Smith of New York State, Admiral Albert Gleaves, General Louis Collardet and Captain Christian Pierret of the French Mission to this country, Assistant Secretary of State William Phillips, and Mayor Hylan of New York City.

The members of the Senate delegation were Senators Lodge of Massachusetts, Calder of New York, Knox of Pennsylvania, Kellogg of Minnesota, Poindexter of Washington, Curtis of Kansas, Hardwick of Ohio, Chamberlain of Oregon, Smoot of Utah, Phelan of California, Henderson of Nevada, Gay of Louisiana, King of Utah, Martin of Kentucky, New of Indiana, and Sutherland of West Virginia.

The members of the House committee included Speaker Clark, Representatives Sherley of Kentucky, Webb of North Carolina, Flood of Virginia, Dent of Alabama, Sherwood of Ohio, Padgett of Tennessee, Stedman of North Carolina, Estopinal of Louisiana, Biordan of New York, McAndrew of Illinois, Gallivan of Massachusetts, Smith of New York, Mann of Illinois, Fordney of Michigan, Gillett of Massachusetts, Volstead of Minnesota, Cooper of Wisconsin, Kahn of California, Butler of Pennsylvania, Mott of New York, Hicks of New York, Chandler of New York, Cannon and Bodenburg of Illinois, and Bowers of West Virginia.

Scene in the Cemetery

Standing in the snow, among the bare locusts and green cedars about the grave was a small group of relatives and intimate friends of Colonel Roosevelt, some of the nation's greatest and most honored public men, and a number of boys and girls from the Oyster Bay Cove School, three or four of them negro children.

The automobiles, which had come a mile and a half from Christ Episcopal Church to the cemetery, stopped at the gate of the cemetery on the Oyster Bay Cove road, a few feet from the water's edge. The narrow road into the cemetery was too steep and rough for automobiles. Senators and Representatives in Congress, members of the Rough Riders, relatives of Colonel Roosevelt, and intimate friends therefore climbed with the children of the village up the hillside and stood with bare heads.

The sun, which, after a morning of snow, had come out of the clouds just before the body was carried into the church, was still shining when the simple burial service of the Episcopal Church was held at the grave. Snow was melting and falling from the locusts and evergreens which form a thick grove about the plot which Colonel Roosevelt had selected as his last resting-place.

Ex-President William Howard Taft, the picture of grief, stood near the grave, with his head bent forward and tears in his eyes. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who appeared hardly able to command himself, stood a short distance away. Senator Chamberlain, who was between them, seemed almost equally affected. Some less famous men among Colonel Roosevelt's intimates were sobbing like children. His two daughters were overcome with grief. Mrs. Roosevelt was not present, and did not leave the home after the service of prayer which was held there for the family.

Major-General Leonard Wood, who had come from Camp Funston, Kansas, on receiving the unexpected news of his friend's death, had arrived during the morning and stood with the members of the Roosevelt family.

The members of the family stood on ground up the hill from the grave, which was in sloping ground. The Congressional delegations, representatives of national organizations, and old friends were ranged among trees on the slope and below the grave. The circle was completed by the line of school children.

The earth, which had been removed for the concrete-lined grave, was concealed by flowers. The oak coffin, partly covered by the flag, rested on four rough finished boards, on each side of the opening.

Sorrowing Group About the Grave

In the group about the grave were men who had first put Colonel Roosevelt forward prominently in the State and nation. One sorrowful old man was Joseph Murray, the Republican leader of the Twenty-first District in 1881, who first induced Theodore Roosevelt to run for office and of whom the Colonel wrote in his autobiography:

"It was not my fight, it was Joe's; and it was to him that I owe my entry into politics.''

The man who brought him into his first great national prominence was Senator Lodge, of whom Colonel Roosevelt said in the same volume:

"In the spring of 1897, President McKinley appointed me Assistant Secretary of the Navy. I owed the appointment chiefly to the efforts of Senator H. C. Lodge of Massachusetts, who was doubtless actuated mainly by his long and close friendship for me, but also—I like to believe—by his keen interest in the navy."

Others about the grave were among the most distinguished men in the nation as artists, authors, explorers, scientists, and men who had stood in various relations to Colonel Roosevelt; college friends, hunting and fishing friends, sparring partners, policemen, and priests. One man who came to the funeral at the express wish of Mrs. Roosevelt was Father J. J. Curran of Wilkes-Barre, who aided Colonel Roosevelt in settling the anthracite coal strike in 1902.

"I came," said Father Curran, "to pay my tribute to the best man that ever lived."

Schools and shops were closed in Oyster Bay during the funeral, and most business places and some residences were hung with crepe. Many persons in the village wore buttons bearing the picture of Colonel Roosevelt over a bit of crepe or black ribbon.

The grave was guarded after the burial by young men of Oyster Bay, recently discharged from the service of, the nation, who patrolled the cemetery in their uniforms. They were under Lieutenant C. T. Reynolds of East Norwich.
Youngs' Memorial Cemetery

"The Youngs' Memorial Cemetery, at Oyster Bay, where Theodore Roosevelt is now taking his long sleep, has an especial interest to me because I was in college for two years at Cornell with William Jones Young," saicl Julius Chambers, in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle.

"When the Cornellian Council was organized, five years ago, he and I were chosen life members thereof to represent our respective classes.

"Meantime, each of us had had experience with the world. He emerged from the practice of law in 1899, as Governor Roosevelt's private secretary, after which he became a United States District Attorney, with an office in Brooklyn.

"The heretofore purely local burial place at Oyster Bay will now become a world-wide shrine, to be visited by those who reverence the name of the great American buried there.

"I sincerely hope that a tall shaft, visible from many points of vantage, will some day surmount the hill upon which is the Roosevelt grave. Other monuments will rise in his honor at many places in this land; but Oyster Bay is the site for the real testimonial of national affection and pride.

"He chose to rest with the people of his own community, among whom he had passed much of his life—his townfolk, who knew him better than other friends and universally respected and loved him.

"Mount Vernon, Springfield, Oyster Bay—sacred to the memories of Washington, Lincoln, and Roosevelt!"

Theodore Roosevelt's Will

The last will and testament of the former President was filed for probate at Mineola, N. Y., on January 11, 1919. While the value of the estate was not disclosed, it was estimated to exceed $500,000.

The income of the estate was bequeathed to Mrs. Roosevelt, who was authorized to dispose of the principal to the children in any way she desires.

A trust fund of $60,000 left to Col. Roosevelt by Ms father was divided among his children.

To Mrs. Nicholas Longworth, who was Alice Roosevelt, the Colonel left "all the silver given as wedding presents on my marriage with her mother," who was Miss Alice Lee of Boston when she became Theodore Roosevelt's wife. She died in 1884. The rest of the family silver was divided among the other children, Mrs. Ethel Derby, Theodore, Jr., Archibald, and Kermit.

The executors, Theodore, Jr., Mrs. Roosevelt, and George Emlen Roosevelt, were authorized to sell or dispose of all real or personal property held by them and to change the investments whenever they please without being held responsible "for any losses arising therefrom."

The will directed that the executors should not be required to file an inventory of the estate, and authorized them to sell and partition any of his real and personal property and allot the same to the several legatees as provided by the will.

Frank Harper of Oklahoma City, Okla., and George Douglas Wardrop of New York, witnessed the document.
The Colonel's Last Letter

Major E. J. Vattman, who was ranking Roman Catholic chaplain with the United States Army when he was retired fourteen years ago and who for years before that had enjoyed the fullest friendship and confidence of Colonel Roosevelt, could not hold back the tears when news of the Colonel's death reached him in Wilmette, 111.

Almost before he had recovered his self-possession the noon mail was placed before him. A familiar envelope topped the pile. Major Vattman's hand trembled as he reached for it.

"How can I believe him dead?" he asked. "His friendship lives for me still."

Here is the Colonel's letter to the venerable chaplain —one of the last he lived to write and almost certainly the last to reach Illinois:

"Dear Mgr. Vattman: Mrs. Roosevelt and I were really very much impressed by Father Garecbe's poem, 'The War Mothers.’"We value the book for its own sake, and we value it especially because it comes from you. "With all good wishes,
"Gratefully yours,
'' theodore roosevelt. ''
Pension for Mrs. Roosevelt
On January 20, 1919, the Committee on Pensions of the House of Representatives, to whom was referred a bill granting a pension of $5,000 per annum to Mrs. Edith Carow Roosevelt, widow of the former president, unanimously approved the bill, and adopted as its report the following letter of Hon. Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, to whom the bill was referred for comment, "because it constitutes one of the most beautiful, fair, and just tributes to the life and character of the late Col. Theodore Roosevelt which could be written:"

Department of the Interior, Washington, January 20, 1919.

MY DEAR MR. KEY : I have your letter of January 14, submitting for my consideration H. R. 13879, in which it is proposed to provide a pension of $5,000 per annum for Mrs. Edith Carow Roosevelt and asking that the committee be informed as to "what widows of ex-Presidents of the United States have been allowed pension by means of a special act of Congress and the amounts of the pension in each instance." I find that it has been the pleasure of Congress to provide a pension of $5,000 per year for:

Sarah Childress Polk, widow of James K. Polk.
Julia Gardner Tyler, widow of John Tyler.
Mary Lincoln, widow of Abraham Lincoln.
Julia Dent Grant, widow of U. S. Grant.
Lucretia R, Garfield, widow of James A. Garfield.
Ida S. McKinley, widow of William McKinley.

Your letter also suggests that I am at liberty to make other comment than a mere formal report upon the proposed bill. I would gladly avail myself of such an opportunity if I thought that any word that I could say would add to the strength of the sentiment that urges the passage of this measure. The impress
that Theodore Roosevelt's personality has made upon the world does not, however, need emphasis. Whatever his fame as a statesman, it can never outrun his fame as a man. However widely men may differ from him in matters of national policy, this thing men in their hearts would all wish, that their sons might have within them the spirit, the will, the strength, the manliness, the Americanism of Roosevelt. He was made of that rugged and heroic stuff with which legend delights to play. The Idylls and the Sagas and the Iliads have been woven about men of his mold. We may surely expect to see developed a Roosevelt legend, a body of tales that will exalt the physical power- and endurance of the man and the boldness of his spirit, his robust capacity for blunt speech, and his hearty comradeship, his live interest in all things living—these will make our boys for the long future proud that they are of his race and his country. And no surer fame than this can come to any man—to live in the hearts of the boys of his land as one whose doings and sayings they would wish to make their own.
Cordially, yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE. 

HON. JOHN A. KEY,
 Chairman Committee on Pensions, House of Representatives.

The bill was passed unanimously by both the House and the Senate.
Theodore Roosevelt's devotion to his country above all else was never more courageously shown than in the statement he issued July 17, 1918, upon receiving the news of his son, Quentin's, death in an aerial combat in France.
Colonel Roosevelt said:

"Quentin's mother and I are very glad that he got to the front and had the chance to render some service to his country and to show the stuff there was in him before his fate befell him."

General Pershing, verifying the report of Quentin's death, wired the Colonel:
"You may well be proud of your gift to the nation in his supreme sacrifice."

Colonel Roosevelt’s Last Editorial for the Star (From the issue of Dec, 25)

A Square Deal for the Men at the Front.
Br y Theodore roosevelt

We should show oar respect for the men at the front by more than mere adulation. They are the Americans who have done most and suffered most for this country It was announced in the press that in many cases they and the families they have left behind have not for months received their full pay Tula It an outrage. All civil officials are paid. The Secretary of War to paid and he, ought not to touch a dollar of bi> salary and no high official should touch a dollar of his salary until the enlisted men and junior officers are paid every cent that is owing to them, and this payment should be prompt There is liteally no excuse for even GO much as three days delay in the payment.

Moreover, these men at great cost to themselves to paying everything including, in fifty or sixty thousand cases, their lives, nave gone to the front at a wage from one-half to one-fifth as great As that their companions who stayed behind have received during the same period. They enlisted to do a specific job. They made the sacrifice In order to do that too. We on our side should see that just as soon as the job is done the men are taken home, allowed to leave the army and begin earning their livelihood and take care of the wives and children that the married ones among them have left behind.

   Recently in the public press there have appeared various artless and chatty statement from the State. War and Navy departments that our men might be kept in Europe to do general police work and might not be brought back here until the summer of 1920 There are three types of soldiers on the other side, There are regular Army men, who have entered the Regular Army as a profession, and to whom it is a matter of indifference whether they stay in Europe, come back here, go to the Philippines or do anything else. That is a small proportion of our force on the other side The bulk are divided between volunteers, who enlisted in the National Guard or sometimes in the regular regiments to fight this war through, and the drafted men who were put into the army under a law designed to meet this war and this war only Not one in ten of the volunteers would have dreamed of volunteering to do police work in European squabbles Not ten congressmen would have voted for the Draft Law if  it was to force selective men to do police duty after the war was over All these men went in to fight this war through to a finish and then to come home It is not a square deal to follow any other course as regards them-The minute that peace comes every American soldier on the other side should- be brought home as speedily as possible save, of course, the regulars who make the Regular Army their life profession, and any ether man who chose to volunteer to go over, or who can with entire propriety be used for gathering up the loose ends. The American fighting man at the front has given this country a square deal during the war Now let the country give him a square deal by letting him get out of the army and go to his home as soon the war is finished The Red Cross has done wonderful work in taking care of the dependents of these men pending settlement by the government, but the government should not be content to rely on any outside organization to make up its own shortcomings.

CHAPTER TWENTY THREE
A WORLD IN MOURNING
Messages of Grief and Sympathy—Tributes by Public Men in Many Countries — Official Action l>y States, Cities, Courts, and Public Bodies—Autographed Expressions of Respect—A Special Day of Tribute to Theodore Roosevelt's Life and Memory.
From far and near, when Roosevelt died, there came the tributes of all classes of men and women. There was, in fact, such an outpouring of mingled eulogy and regret that it seemed as if all who had known him in life hastened to show their appreciation of his patriotic career and services to America. Even many of those who had been arrayed against him in politics, and some who had been counted among his avowed enemies, joined the chorus of world-wide sorrow at his death and praise of his virtues, laying their tributes upon the bier of the great American with unstinted recognition of his patriotism and a sincerity that was unmistakable.

In almost every expression there seemed to be a mingling of the sense of personal loss with that of irreparable loss to the nation and to humanity. And those whose sympathy and regret found public expression in the press were but a part of the many that voiced similar sentiments in every community in the land. Popular and beloved as Theodore Roosevelt was in life, it was only after his death that it could be fully realized how deeply he was enshrined in the hearts of his fellow-countrymen. There was no discord in the chorus of regrets at his passing and tributes to his life of service.

Only a few of these tributes of public men and women can be reproduced out of the great mass of laudatory and regretful expressions, but the most significant and representative appear below.

Proclamation by the President

The following proclamation was cabled from Paris by President Wilson and issued at the State Department:

Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States of America.

A proclamation to the people of the United States:
It becomes my sad duty to announce officially the death of Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States from September 14, 1901, to March 4, 1909, which occurred at his home at Sagamore Hill, Oyster Bay, N. T., at 4:15 o'clock in the morning of January 6, 1919.

In his death the United States has lost one of its most distinguished and patriotic citizens, who had endeared himself to the people by his strenuous devotion to their interests and to the public interests of his country.
As President of the Police Board of his native city, as member of the legislature and governor of his state, as civil service commissioner, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, as Vice President, and as President of the United States, he displayed administrative powers of a signal order and conducted the affairs of these various offices with a concentration of effort and a watchful care which permitted no divergence from the line of duty he had definitely set for himself.

In the war with Spain he displayed singular initiative and energy and distinguished himself among the commanders of the army in the field. As President he awoke the nation to the dangers of private control which lurked in our financial and industrial systems. It was by thus arresting the attention and stimulating the purpose of the country that he opened the way for subsequent necessary and beneficent reforms.

His private life was characterized by a simplicity, a virtue and an affection worthy of all admiration and emulation by the people of America.
In testimony of the respect in which his memory is held by the Government and people of the United States, I do hereby direct that the flags of
the White House and the several departmental buildings be displayed at half-staff for a period of thirty days, and that suitable military and naval honors, under orders of the Secretaries of War and Navy, be rendered on the day of the funeral.

Done this seventh day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred an nineteen, and of the independence of the United States of America the or 3 hundred and forty-third.
WOODEOW WILSON,

By the President.
FRANK L. POLK, Acting Secretary of State.

By the King of England

"The Queen and I have heard with feelings of deep regret of the death of Colonel Roosevelt. We had a personal regard for him and we always enjoyed meeting him. He will be missed by many friends in this country, to whom he endeared himself by his attractive character and many talents."	

GEOBGE, R. I.

Canada's Official Tribute

The following is a copy of the official message of sympathy sent to Mrs. Roosevelt on behalf of the Government of Canada by Hon. Sir Thomas White, Minister of Finance, as Acting Prime Minister in the absence of Sir Robert Borden, who was overseas, attending the Peace Conference in Paris:
Ottawa, January 7th, 1919. Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt, Oyster Bay, N. Y.
Please accept and convey to the members of your family the most sincere sympathy of the Government of Canada upon the lamented death of your distinguished husband who was so greatly admired throughout the Dominion.
W. T. WHITE, 

Acting Prime Minister. 

A statement given to the press on January 7, 1919, by Hon. Sir Thomas White on the death of Colonel Roosevelt was as follows: "He was a great world figure of unique and commanding personality. We are all greatly shocked and grieved. To his widow and the members of his family all our hearts go out in deepest sympathy."
Britain's Premier to Mrs. Roosevelt
"I am deeply shocked to have the news of your distinguished husband's death. I feel sure I speak for the British people when I tell you how much we all here sympathize with you in your great bereavement. Mr. Roosevelt was a great and inspiring figure far beyond his country's shores, and the world is the poorer for his loss."

An Irreparable Loss

"The death of Colonel Roosevelt is an irreparable loss to the nation. His virility and courage were a constant inspiration. He personified the Americanism of which he was the most doughty champion. He demanded the recognition and performance of our national obligation in the war.

"Back of all that was done in the war was the pressure of Ms relentless insistence. In response to Ms patriotic call lay the safety of civilization and in this hour of complete victory the whole world is Ms debtor."
chaeles evans hughes, 

By the Chief Justice of the United States "Mr. Roosevelt's death brings to me a sense of deep sorrow, of personal loss. While he was President his kindly consideration never failed, and many opportunities were afforded me for observing the highness of his innate ideals and his courage, all of which combined to make him the distinguished, not to say phenomenal, man he was."
EDWAKD D. WHITE.
By Senator Kellogg of Minnesota

It is quite impossible to express the profound sorrow and grief which I feel as a result of the passing of Colonel Roosevelt. His death will be deeply mourned, not only by all the people of the nation, but by the civilized world.

A most distinguished citizen, writer, soldier, and statesman with the loftiest ideals, his life is the finest example of unselfish devotion to his country, and no eulogy can now add to his fame. He was a great commoner, who, in his heart, cherished the welfare of the masses of the people—a man of the most intense patriotism, who placed the advancement of humanity and the cause of his country above all other considerations.

No one in either public or private life within his generation has exercised a greater influence for good upon the world than has Colonel Roosevelt. I feel his death as a personal loss, since it was my fortune to be more or less intimately associated with him during the greater part of his public career.

By United States Senator Weeks

Colonel  Roosevelt was a very great man, one of the greatest developed during the life of this republic. His unbounded energy and versatility resulted in a vast production in several lines, any one of which would have been considered a life work for any ordinary man. The things which seemed to me paramount in him were his patriotism and greater than even that, his courage. If we measure men's greatness by their effectiveness on public thought or on individual action, he was the greatest man in our time, for there has never been a minute since the days of the Spanish "War, whether in public office or in private life, when his words have not been the guide of millions of Americans. They believed that he was wise, far-seeing and honest in his convictions, and came to have reliance in the belief that what he advocated was his honest and mature thought.

By the Governor of New York
A Proclamation
Theodore Roosevelt, a distinguished citizen of this State and known throughout the world, is dead.

Formerly a Governor of New York State, later Vice-President and then President of the nation, we should unite in appropriate marks of respect to the memory of one who for so many years was a leading figure in all things which had to do with the welfare of the nation.

It is proper that official recognition of the loss of one of our native sons of so much prominence be fittingly expressed in a manner due to the character and services of the deceased.
Now, therefore, I, Alfred E. Smith, Governor of the
State of New York, do hereby order the flag placed at
half-mast on all public buildings of the State until after
the final obsequies.	Alfred  E. SMITH-

By the Governor: geokge E. vannamee, secretary to the Governor.
By a Well-Known Writer   '
In his virtues and in his shortcomings, in his restless desire to do the good thing, in his failure sometimes to do it; in his energies, his ambitions; in his enthusiasm, in his beliefs; most of all, in his courtesy—and, finally, in his splendid patriotism which made him among other things dedicate the lives of all the men in his family to the service of his country, Theodore Roosevelt was the most typical in his day and generation.

Of Theodore Roosevelt living, a million different opinions were had and expressed by millions of his fellow countrymen.

Of Theodore Roosevelt dead, his fellow Americans  can have but one opinion, and that opinion I take it is this:    The man who died today as truly died in the service of his country and for the love of his country as though he had died with a uniform on his back and a *bullet through his brains.	
ievin S. cobb.
January 6, 1919.

Legislative Tribute in Verse
In the Indiana Senate on January 10, 1919, a resolution in verse expressing regret at the death of Theodore Roosevelt, introduced by Senator Negley, was passed. The resolution was as follows:
"Whereas, there has passed from this earth to the realm unknown of man—
A heart always faithful and fearless,
A mind of the fiber of steel, A soul of a patriot peerless,
"When Liberty made her appeal.
A man who was proud of his nation;
A man whom his nation revered; A man who could rise to occasion
When danger to nation appeared.
A man whom the world loved to honor;
A man to whom monarchs deferred; A man, although born to the manor,
His voice for the masses was heard.
A soul that could look to the morrow
With no fear of past to betide. The world bowed with us in our sorrow
When Theodore Roosevelt died.
"Therefore, Be it Resolved, That when this Senate adjourns it shall adjourn, in honor of our distinguished now deceased fellow-American, Theodore Roosevelt, until the hour of 2 o'clock p. m. on Monday, the 13th day of January, 1919.".
By Congressman Julius Kahn

In the death of Roosevelt the country loses one of its most commanding figures. A man of intense Americanism he will fill a conspicuous place in his country's Temple of Fame. He was broad-minded and liberal in his views. He respected men for what they were. He knew neither race nor creed in his dealings with his fellows.
He accomplished many reforms. He was fearless in exposing those who would contaminate American public life. He occupied an unique position in our country's history and his life will be an inspiration to countless generations yet to come.
By Senator Jones of Washington The world has suffered a great loss in the untimely death of Theodore Roosevelt. He was one of the truly great men of the world and of this age. His tireless energy, intense convictions, and high courage, both physical and moral, will be an inspiration to every young man struggling for success. He exemplified fully in words and actions the very essence of pure democracy and genuine Americanism.

By Senator Sterling of South Dakota

The nation now mourns the death of one of its greatest citizens, if not at the time the greatest. Thorough, faithful, and eminently able in all the many positions he occupied during his strenuous life, from his membership in the New York Legislature to seven and a half years as President of the United States, he is famed and honored today for the great and beneficent results he has accomplished in each.

One of his biographers, in speaking of his sense of duty, says: "Mr. Roosevelt's conception of duty ignores all sorts of magnificent ideals at long range and fastens itself upon the tasks which lie nearest his hand."

The lesson afforded by his conception of duty is one for us to heed. The task has been at hand and waiting now since the great and fateful day when the armistice was signed. Its terms, together with the unsettled conditions at present existing, would seem to make the consideration of the terms of peace and of readjustment alone the practical, the imperative duty of the hour.

\
By the President of the University of California

We cannot do without him. That is the first thought. "We need him. We never needed him more. The marvelous range of his information, the variety of his experience, his vision, his knowledge of men, and the general reasonableness and moderation of his theoretical views— all these belonged among the things which seemed to make him invaluable to us. But we wanted him for more than all or any of these.

In this world-overturning we wanted him for a counsel and guidance that should take into account all there is of human purpose and motive among the peoples and nations of the earth. He has not generally been thought of as a wise counselor, but he was—just as soon as he had a task big enough for his powers and had responsibility. There for. He was at his best as an executive, not as a critic. Before going out of office, however, he had registered a vow that he would never play the role of ex-President. And I think he never did. He could have been counselor and guide without being President. This would have set him at his best.

There was only one Theodore Roosevelt. Vehement, virile, lovable, belligerent, courageous, noble. There will never be another like him.
benjamin ide wheeler.
By the Secretary of the Interior

The impress that Theodore Roosevelt's personality has made upon the world does not need emphasis. Whatever else his fame as a statesman, it can never outrun his fame as a man. However widely men may differ from him in matters of national policy, this thing men in their hearts would all wish, that their sons might have within them the spirit, the will, the strength, the manliness, the Americanism of Roosevelt. He was made of that rugged and heroic stuff with which Legend delights to play. The Idylls and the Sagas and the Iliads have been woven about men of his mold. We may surely expect to see developed a Roosevelt legend, a body of tales that will exalt the physical power and endurance of the man and the boldness of his spirit, his robust capacity for blunt speech and his hearty comradeship, his live interest in all things living—these will make our boys for the long future proud that they are of his race and his country. And no sur.er fame than this can come to any man—to live in the hearts of the boys of his land as one whose doings and sayings they would wish to make their own.
fRanklin K. lane.

Proclamation by the Governor of Nebraska

Our country confers few honorary titles upon its leaders; it uses few medals as symbols of outstanding fortitude or distinguished service. But it does deeply revere the memory of those whose lives and acts embodied the principles for which the blood of the nation has again and again been sacrificed.

On January 6th, Theodore Roosevelt was stricken. The flags of the nations of the world stood at half mast and the heads of thoughtful people everywhere were bowed in deference to his passing. His was a life of exceptional leadership and distinguished service to his country.

No monument will adequately symbolize the characteristics of this illustrious American, nor would it be his wish that such artificial effort should be made to perpetuate his memory. He believed in, and loved, the sentiments that were virile and real—the expressions that came from the heart.

Therefore, in order that the people of Nebraska may unite in paying tribute to the memory of one who so well characterized our nation's ideals, and in keeping with an Act of Congress, I do declare February 9, of this year. "Roosevelt Memorial Day" throughout Nebraska. It is my sincere wish that all the people of this commonwealth shall observe that day in fitting manner.

Governor.
Executive Department, State of Nebraska, January 20, 1919.

By the Governor of Arizona

Arizona has lost a real friend, America her most eminent statesman, and the world its foremost citizen in the passing of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Gifted with a vision accorded to but few men, he has not only forecast events but suggested a way to meet them. Patriotic to the core, he never suggested a policy for others which he was not willing to personally follow even to the supreme sacrifice. We shall miss the wisdom of his wise counsel and the nation will bow its head in grief that its popular leader has been stricken by death at a time when his words were eagerly awaited in connection with the settlement of the world war. It is hard, but trusting in that Divine Providence which doeth all things well, we say' Thy will be done.''
 Thomas E. CAMPBELL By the Governor of Wisconsin
In the death of Theodore Roosevelt, America lost a great man. Nature had made him brilliant, but his great learning and natural ability did not put him out of touch even with the most lowly citizen. He understood the problems of the masses of the people. One could disagree with Mr. Roosevelt and yet respect him. And I dare say that few Americans held the attention of their countrymen for so many years as he. Whether we believe he was right or wrong we could not avoid the conclusion that he was at all times a good and true American.

By the Governor of California

California is greatly shocked at the sudden demise of Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. He was one of America's greatest Presidents. He was patriotic to the core. He thought always in terms of America. We love our flag and our country all the more because of Colonel Roosevelt’s courage, example, and intense loyalty. His name will go down in history with that of Washington, Lincoln, and Grant. Theodore Roosevelt is America's fourth immortal.
wm. D. stephens.
_
By the Governor of North Dakota
Colonel Roosevelt was closely associated with this state, as he spent several years of his early life in North Dakota, and his passing occasions deep regret among his former associates and many friends.
J. fRazieR.

By the North Dakota Legislature
Be It Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives in
Joint Session Assembled •'

That we, the members of the Sixteenth Legislative Assembly of the State of North Dakota, have learned with deep regret that Theodore Roosevelt, former President of the United States and once a resident of this state, whose pioneer log-cabin now stands upon the Capitol grounds, has departed from this life.
In his years of public activity we gladly remember the things he gave to the nation that will be of enduring good.

Theodore Roosevelt encouraged vigorous manhood. He inspired men with a desire for achievement, and was himself the living embodiment of untiring activity.

He helped to arouse the public conscience and to inform the public mind as to the social and industrial injustice of the times.

He exercised at all times the right of full and free discussion of government affairs, upholding without restraint and of the citizen to speak and write concerning the government, of which he is a part, whatever words of commendation, censure or counsel seemed to him proper to the time and to the occasion.
The exercise of these qualities confers a lasting benefit upon mankind, and for such attributes we desire to remember Theodore Roosevelt at this time, and to place a memorial of him upon the permanent records of this Legislative Assembly.

Therefore, Be It Further Resolved: That these resolutions be spread at large upon the Journal of each House of the Assembly; that the Secretary of State be instructed to send one engrossed copy of same to the bereaved family, and that as a mark of respect to the memory of Theodore Roosevelt, this joint assembly, after retiring to their respective chambers, do stand in recess until 1:30 o'clock p. m. tomorrow, January 9th, 1919.
By the Governor of Kansas

(Telegram to Mrs. Roosevelt.)
I am greatly shocked and grieved by Colonel Roosevelt's death. Permit me to extend to you my most heartfelt sympathy. The nation needs now as never before his clear insight and fearless facing of facts. The world mourns with you. May God comfort and sustain you.

By the Mayor of Boston

America and the world have lost a great citizen. It is a loss which must necessarily become more intimate to every man as time goes on.

President Roosevelt's presence in the public life of our country raised public service in the United States to a higher plane. His service marked the transition from the older political standards to the newer and higher standards of democracy in public life. His great faith in our country and his loyalty to its ideals were an inspiration to everyone who came in contact with him. His faith in the ideals of the American people and his courage in asserting them brought to the new political life support from every direction throughout the country.

Theodore Roosevelt was the exponent of the American family life. He stood for its ideals and its perpetuation. Its homes and its citizenship ever received from him the most vigorous defense of its best traditions. The life of President  Roosevelt has been a great stimulant to the uplifting ideals of the people of his country and in his death one force for higher standards ceases.

His loyalty to and his keen personal interest in his friends make his loss to them a doubly severe one.

Theodore Roosevelt will always be remembered as a man who lived only to serve his fellowmen.
andeew J. peteks.
By the Governor of Minnesota
The death of Colonel Roosevelt comes as a great shock. It does not seem possible that a man that has stood out as he has for so many years is gone. America loses one of the greatest statesmen that it has produced. The world will mourn this loss of this wonderful character.
	J. A. A. bURnquist.
By the Mayor-Elect of Detroit
I believe Theodore Roosevelt did more to eliminate dishonesty and corruption in business and public life than any other citizen in the world during the twentieth century. He had the strength of character and the virility to attract people's attention to the dishonesty of the railroads and the trusts and thereby compel corrective legislation. Even at this time he is a distinct loss to our country.
james couzens.

By the Mayor of San Francisco
Proclamation. To the People of San Frcmcisco:

The late Theodore Roosevelt, former President of the United States and one of this country's most famous statesmen, will be laid to rest tomorrow, Wednesday, January 8, 1919, in the little churchyard at Oyster Bay, New York.

At 12:45 p. m., Eastern time, or 9:45 a. m., Pacific Coast time, funeral services will begin in the Oyster Bay church, where the late former President worshipped.

Out of respect for the memory of this distinguished
American and notable leader of men, I respectfully sug
gest that, promptly at 9:45 a. m. tomorrow, all street car
and other traffic stop; that municipal employes and all
citizens in business or private life, cease work for a period
of two minutes.	Respectfully,
james rolph, je.,
Mayor. San Francisco, January 7,1919.
By U. S. Senator Lewis

"The death of Colonel Roosevelt is the loss of a great man, of a great force, and the loss of a great benefit to America. Whatever differences men may have had with Colonel Roosevelt on party lines, or political principles, all must certify that his fight for cleanliness and integrity in public life did much to rid the nation of corruption in public affairs. All must admit that his labors to force monopoly to yield to private welfare and personal rights started this country upon the course of justice."
J. hamilton lewis.
By the President of the National City Bank, New York

"Mr. Roosevelt's hold on the people has seldom been
paralleled; his great courage was what the people
admired. I do not think Colonel Roosevelt was afraid
of anything, and I believe that of all the lessons public
men can take from his life, the one that will be of the
greatest value to the nation is that of courage in public
life."	fkank A. vanderlip.
By a U. S. Senator-Elect
"He was the greatest American of our time. When others spoke with unctuous equivocation, he spoke out; he dared and did when others palavered. We are his debtors for his tremendous labors in the regeneration of our public life, for the quickening of our national spirit, for the reanimation of our patriotism."
medill McCoRMiCK.
Washington, D. C., Jan. 6, 1919.

By the, President of the American Federation of Labor

I regard the death of Colonel Roosevelt as a very great loss. He rendered service in his time of incalculable benefit. I knew him for thirty-five years, in all his public activities. I worked with him, and even those who differed with him conceded that his sincerity of purpose and high motives and his anxiety to serve the people were
unquestionable.
samuel gompees.
By the Governor of Pennsylvania

Theodore Roosevelt's death is a great national calamity. I can think of no one man whose passing would be a greater loss. Now, of all times, his courage, his clear view of great questions, and, above all, his exalted patriotism, are needed by the Republic. In time of peril or in great public need our people turned to him for leadership and awaited his directing voice. He has typified, all through his life, the finest development of American citizenship. As a public figure, he has stood like a mighty fortress, "four square against all the evil winds that blew."
 
By Senator Calder of New York

(Remarks in the U. S. Senate, January 6, 1919) As a Senator from the State in which Col. Roosevelt lived and as one who believed in him and followed him in his leadership in the affairs of his State and the Nation, I am sure it will net be considered inopportune for me to say a word or two on this occasion.

At the time of his death Mr. Roosevelt was the foremost private citizen in the world. Of all those before the public at the time of his greatest activity, he made by far the deepest impress upon our national life.

As a citizen Mr. Roosevelt approached the ideal. His occupation was America. His relaxation was study. His pleasure was friendship. His family relations, too sacred to be lightly intruded upon, were those to which good men everywhere aspire and good women best understand and appreciate.
Dead in his sixty-first year, Mr. Roosevelt will number his real mourners by the million. Time and history will write his true epitaph. But we today can record the death of a great American, of whom it can truly be said that while he lived millions followed him because they believed in him as a force for righteousness, justice, peace, and progress, and when he died a whole people mourned him.
Cardinal Gibbons: "It was a terrible shock to me to learn of the death of former President Roosevelt. I had been intimately acquainted with him from the time he was elevated to the high office of President of the United States, and we were very dear and good friends. It is a terrible loss to me and to the whole country."

Major-General Leonard, Wood: "The death of my friend, Theodore Roosevelt, brings to me great personal loss and sorrow, but keen and deep as these are, they are but the sorrow and loss of an individual. The national loss is irreparable for his death comes at a time when his services to this nation can ill be spared. Unselfish loyalty, honest and fearless criticism have always characterized the life and work of Theodore Roosevelt and he lived and worked always for his country's best interests. His entire life and work was one of service.''

Raymond Robins, first Progressive candidate for United States Senator from Illinois: "Mrs. Robins and I are shocked beyond words. Our sense of the loss of a statesman and leader in the nation is less keen, at the moment, than our grief at the loss of a loved and generous friend. The greatest statesman of his age, the Colonel was the best loved American since Lincoln. He challenged the conscience of America."

President Poincare of France: "I am very much affected by the death of Mr. Roosevelt. Well do I remember the dignified letter which I received from him after the death of his son, Quentin, in which he informed me that he was coming to France to visit the grave of his son. It is distressing to me to think that poor Roosevelt will not have an opportunity to lay flowers on the grave of his heroic son.

'' The whole heart of France goes out to Mrs. Roosevelt in sympathy.

"Friend of liberty, friend of France, Roosevelt has given, without counting sons and daughters, his energy that liberty may live. We are grateful."

Colonel E. M. House (in Paris): "I am greatly shocked to hear the news that comes from America. The entire world will share the grief which will be felt in the United States over the death of Theodore Roosevelt. He was the one virile and courageous leader of his generation and will live in history as one of our greatest Presidents."

J. J. Jusserand, French ambassador to the United States: "The unexpected death of one who has upheld all his life the principles of virile manhood, straightforward honesty and fearlessness will be mourned all over the world, nowhere more sincerely than in France, whose cause he upheld in her worst crisis in a way that shall never be forgotten."

Henry White, one of the American peace commissioners: "I have heard of Mr. Roosevelt's death with deep sorrow because of the loss to the nation of a great public servant and to myself of a lifelong friend."

Herbert C. Hoover: "The news of Mr. Roosevelt's death comes as a distinct shock. America is poorer for the loss of a great citizen, the world for the loss of a great man."

Robert Lansing: "The death of Colonel Roosevelt removes from our national life a great American. His vigor of mind and ceaseless energy made him a conspicuous figure in public affairs.''

William Jennings Bryan: "The rare qualities that won for Colonel Roosevelt a multitude of devoted followers naturally arrayed against him a host of opponents, but his death puts an end to controversy and he will be mourned by foe as well as friend. He was a great American and made a profound impression on the thought of his generation. His picturesque career will form a fascinating chapter in our nation's history."

Bert Lesion Taylor ("B. L. T.")» in the Chicago Tribune: '' We are one of many who admired Theodore Roosevelt as a man and as a political force. His party label, ' Progressive,' was the only one we ever wore. His virtues were obvious, his weaknesses amiable weaknesses, which irritated only those who insufficiently admired his virtues. He was a great leader, and great leaders are compact of strengths and weaknesses. The good he did lives after him; his frailties will not be long remembered. ' This earth that bears thee dead bears not alive so stout a gentleman.' "

Messages of Condolence

Hundreds of messages of condolence from all parts of the world were received by Mrs. Roosevelt after the Colonel's death. Among those made public were the following :

King Emmanuel of Italy: "I wish to express to you my sympathy for your great grief over the death of your illustrious husband."

The President of Brazil: "I beg to present to you this expression of my sincere sympathy with your grief, which is shared by all Brazilians, whose admiration and respect President Roosevelt won by his generous collaboration in our public life, and in friendly remembrance of his passing through our country." (The latter reference was to Col. Roosevelt's exploration journey through South America.)

Sir Thomas Lipton: "Kindly accept my deepest and most heartfelt sympathy in the sad loss of your dear husband, for whose splendid gifts and qualities I have always had the highest admiration. I regarded him as one of the greatest and most representative Americans of all time, and the world at large is the loser by his untimely passing."

Queen Maud of Norway: "Our deepest sympathy with you in your great trial.''

Ronald C. Munro-Ferguson, Governor-General of Australia: "Deepest sympathy in your irreparable loss."

Brigadier General 8. T. Lian, attache to the Chinese peace delegation, en route to Paris: "I hear with profound regret of the death of Colonel Roosevelt. On behalf of the minister of war and the army of the Chinese Republic, I beg to tender sincerest sympathy in your bereavement."

Senator Boise Penrose of Pennsylvania: "I am greatly shocked to learn of the death of Colonel Roosevelt. I cannot adequately express my sentiments on this occasion. The nation has suffered an irreparable loss. I extend my sincerest sympathy to you and your family."

S. G. Kimber, mayor of Southampton, England: "On behalf of the town of Southampton, I beg to offer the sincerest sympathy to you and your family in the irreparable loss which you and the American nation have sustained."

Former Attorney General George W. Wicker sham, who was abroad, cabled: "Sincerest sympathy in your great loss."

Col. E. M. House: "Mrs. House shares with me the great sorrow which all Americans feel over the death of your distinguished husband."

Mayor John F. Hylan, of New York: "In this hour of your great bereavement, permit me to extend to you in the name of the people of the City of New York the sincere sympathy that we all feel for you. Your loss is shared by the entire nation." .
By a Leading Democratic Senator
Washington, D. C., January 6, 1919. Mrs. Theodore Roosevelt,
Oyster Bay, Long Island, N. Y.

I am grieved beyond expression at the news of your husband's death. Notwithstanding many political differences, he was one of the men in America who stood in my mind for a good heart, a big heart, and a patriotic purpose.
 ["I meant every word of it," said Senator Williams, in a letter to the author three weeks later, "and I mean a good deal more besides. You are at perfect liberty to publish it all."]

 In my Father’s house are many mansions; if it were not so I would have told you; for I go to prepare a place for you. John xiv 2

The genius that can be analyzed is no genius at all. Like the whirlwind, it is a law unto itself. So with the great soul whose flight from earth we mourn today.

To weigh Theodore Roosevelt, to scale his dimensions with a tape, to label and classify his parts, is a baffling and futile undertaking. He presented a thousand facets to life. Packed within his tenement of clay were the makings of a score of average men. Reverently lifting the veil of his personality we see within the statesman, the diplomat, the student, the hunter, the naturalist, the author, and all the others. But it is not vouchsafed us to see the ego, the "I am," the spirit, the bit of divinity — call it what you will — by which he marshaled these potentialities into one and hurled them like a thunderbolt.
Nothing was too little or too big for his earnest scrutiny. Those nearsighted, squinting eyes which millions know and love would scan with equal interest the mountain and the tiny marmot which burrowed in its flank. In spite of the manifold tasks and the weighty responsibilities which beset his public life — which was practically his whole life — he found time, somewhere, somehow, to read and write voluminously; to ride and hunt and shoot and play tennis; to hunt in Africa and explore in South America; to study the conifers of the Rockies and to patiently and lovingly observe the tiny warblers which each spring and fall fluttered and lisped about the grounds of Sagamore Hill.
He had learned the golden truth that the only things on earth without interest are the things of which we are ignorant; that all the appurtenances of the universe, from the tiny desert plant which runs its cycle of life in a fortnight to the enduring and eternal Milky Way, are but the exceptions of the Creator, for the instruction, uplift and salvation of man.

Yet he was no Gradgrind. An irrepressible ebulliency silvered over the dullest tasks for him. He wrestled with them like a boy at play. Hence above all his purely intellectual or practical interests towered his love of Man. From this love sprang his intense hatred of injustice, of inequality of opportunity, of any limitation of political, social or economic rights. And from this love, coupled with the vision of a seer, sprang his instantaneous recognition and detestation of Prussian kultur, making him for the time as a voice crying in the wilderness.

 Thus it came about that he was at once, for a season, the most-loved and the most-hated man, perhaps, in America. Thus it came about that while thousands clamored to be led by him to the cannon's mouth, there were others who sought to do him to death.

Conscious of his rectitude, as genius always is, he acknowledged no bounds for the play of his tremendous energy. In the ardor of battle he tossed aside all conventional restraints. In season and out of season— as we lesser ones would say—he branded sham and pretense and greed and lust of power with the red-hot iron of his righteous indignation—even his anger, as he himself called it.

Yet no one was quicker than himself to recognize his mistakes. And who, after all, shall assume as yet to chart his orbit and measure his deviations there from?

That shall be the task of men yet unborn. For the battle in which he enlisted is only begun. Nineteen-twelve was but the reveille. And 1914-1918, with all its blood and horror, may prove but the skirmish. Today the forces of the world are gathering for the real Armageddon, and we may be sure that the soul of their great captain is watching them from his celestial aerie.

"Many-sided," multi-angled Roosevelt! Equally at home in .the throne room of royalty and the bunkhouse of the plains! Comrade alike of the cowboy and the intellectual! Citizen of the world, champion of mankind! So sweet and chivalrous with women; so frank and kindly with men! A caress for what he loved, a blow for what he hated!

So we call him "Teddy." A few may remember him as Col. Roosevelt j others as President Roosevelt. But in the hearts of his countrymen, as they weep today and as they recount his deeds to their children tomorrow, he will be '' Teddy''—a Christian gentlemen, a faithful friend, a fearless foe.
Requiescat in pace!

The touching tribute reproduced above appeared in the Chicago Evening Post on the day of Theodore Roosevelt's funeral. It was from the pen of Mr. Elmore Elliott Parker, and was typical of the sentiments gener¬ously expressed in the press of the United States in the sorrowful days that followed the Colonel's death. And as it was in the press, so in the pulpit—tributes of love and respect were poured out in unstinted measure.
418
 
A WOBLD IN MOURNING

Personal Reminiscences of Roosevelt
By the Right Rev. Samuel Fallows, D. D., LL. D.

I came to know Theodore Roosevelt more intimately when he became Governor of New York. I had watched him with iutensest interest in his political ascent and his continually widening influence among all classes of men. But as Governor of the Great Empire State, I, with others, foresaw a more brilliant career before him, nay, the most brilliant career open to man.
My son, who represented a portion of New York City as Assemblyman at Albany, was very close to the Governor. He was assisting him in the Legislature to carry out several very important reform measures. I went with him to call upon Roosevelt; he received us both most cordially, and, putting his hand upon my son's shoulder, he said, "This is my right-hand man in my administration." When I came to leave, the prophetic instinct which I felt in my innermost nature prompted me to say:

"Governor, the West will want you some day to be President."
Candidly and straightforwardly he said, without the least self-depreciation:
'' Well, Bishop, you know I am more of a Western man than an Eastern man."
We little thought then of the mysterious way by which he was soon to reach the Presidency.

We know now why those who did not love him overmuch and were trying to prevent his going to the White House, were among the foremost to urge him to become a candidate for Vice President. He knew their real feelings and at first was determined in his opposition to the idea. But his sincere friends were just as earnest in their fervent appeals for him to consent. Clearly they laid before him the imperative need to win the election. He was really to be the determining factor in the result.

He said, "I will consent on that ground alone. Above everything else I put my country"; and thus sinking his self-will and laying aside whatever ambition he might have felt, knowing that in all probability it meant turning his back upon the highest prize that his fellow-citizens could give him, he became the Vice President of the United States.

Who could excel him in pushing and climbing without being short of breath? Who could surpass him in changing enemies into friends when they knew him?    Only Lincoln could match him.

I was witness to his marvelous powers of physical and mental endurance on his last public visit to Chicago at the height of the great World War. He made several short addresses on one of these days when among us, and at night spoke to nearly fifteen thousand people in the huge Dexter Pavilion. When I made the invocation in my uniform as a Brigadier-General of the Civil War, with my Grand Army decorations, he called attention to the fact and, turning to the large number of veterans on his right, he said, "I am proud to have one of your number with me on this platform," and then, in a few impressive words he paid a glowing tribute to the services these heroes had rendered in our great Civil conflict.

In the course of his address he said: "This war for me is an exclusive war. I have been blackballed by the Committee on National Efficiency, but I have three sons over there." Then, turning to Major-General Barry, the Commander of the Central Department, he said, "General, I have been Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States for nearly eight years. I gave you your commission as a Major-General. I am perfectly willing to serve under you, or under any other General the War Department may select. All I ask is that I may have the military rank I had in the Spanish-American War, that of a Brigadier-General."

But it was not to be. There were already enrolled, as I now remember, nearly fifty thousand volunteers most anxious to serve under him. His great heart, as those who knew him intimately can testify, was sorely disappointed because he was not allowed to serve as he desired.

On the following day he made a short speech after breakfast, and then, accompanied by several prominent citizens, proceeded to Camp Grant at Rockford, Illinois. Twenty thousand soldiers were gathered in front of him to listen to his speech. He then went to Fort Sheridan and addressed the four or five thousand young men training there as officers. Then he hurried to the Great Lakes Station, and after reviewing ten thousand blue jackets made them a rousing patriotic talk. He then went in a special train to Racine, Wisconsin, and met an overwhelming audience, whom he enraptured by his appeal for an unadulterated Americanism. Then leaving late at night for Minneapolis, he was ready for the fray the next day with two stirring speeches, and afterwards left for Oyster Bay.

 Almost his last notable speech in the West was at Springfield, Illinois, at the Centennial exercises connected with the admission of the State into the Union. It was an immense audience that greeted him in the vast enclosure in the Fair Grounds, stretching so far on either side of the stand as to be almost beyond the speaker's eye and utterly beyond the speaker's voice. I had been requested to officiate as chaplain and appeared in my uniform among my Grand Army comrades. Again he glorified, in words which those heroes who heard them will never forget, the immortal deeds wrought by them for the salvation of the Union. If the fight for that Union had not been won, the fight then on for the salvation of the world could not be gained. The central thought of that glorious address was the need of the united effort of all the world nationalities in this great State to be fused into one mighty, magnificent American whole. All hyphens must be consumed in the fires of that American patriotism, burning as never before, at white heat. There must be but one language and one flag in the whole American domain.

These same sentiments were contained in his last unwritten utterances just before his unexpected translation to the higher service beyond.
As member of the New York Legislature, as Civil Service Commissioner, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Colonel of the Rough Riders, Governor of New York, Vice President and President of the United States, as author, historian, naturalist, hunter, husband, father, and citizen, history will record him as the foremost American of his time, and one of the most illustrious of men in the annals of mankind.

Memorial Services

While many memorial meetings were held within the week following Colonel Roosevelt's death, a number of friends of the Colonel united in urging the Governors of all States officially to suggest that all proposed memorial services in honor of the former President be held simultaneously on February 9,1919, the date set for a memorial service in Congress. This request, telegraphed to the various Governors, was signed by William H. Taft, Cardinal Gibbons, Franklin K. Lane, Senator John Sharp Williams, Senator George E. Chamberlain of Oregon, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts, Senator James W. Wadsworth, Jr., and Senator William M. OClder of New York, Senator Frank A. Kellogg of Minnesota, Senator Hiram Johnson of California, Senator-elect Medill McCormick of Illinois, Champ Clark, Thomas A. Edison, Charles E. Hughes, Oscar S. Straus, former Secretary of the Interior James E. Garfield, John Mitchell, and Julius Holz.
The suggestion had the approval of Col. Roosevelt's family, and was generally adopted.

Accordingly, on February 9 eulogies of Theodore Roosevelt were delivered at special services and meetings all over the land. Congress gathered in joint session in the House of Representatives on that day, and listened to a touching eulogy by Senator Lodge, the text of which appears in following pages. In all the great cities orators of distinction moved crowded meetings by their tributes to the former President, which the people, literally in millions, gathered in deep sorrow and respect to hear and indorse.

Next day the press of the country was filled with reports of these great memorial meetings, to which the New York Sun, in an editorial typical of hundreds of others, referred as follows:

AMERICA'S TRIBUTE TO ROOSEVELT

The tribute America paid yesterday to Theodore Roosevelt was a spontaneous expression of the respect and affection this great man's fellow citizens felt for one whose life made them deeply his debtors.

It was not official in its inspiration. It needed no formal guidance. It bore no relation to politics. It enlisted the support of men of every race, of every creed, of every calling, of every station in life. In all its manifestations one note predominated: sterling, unquestioning Americanism.

Its unanimity was amazing. Men and women with no other thought in common, divided on all other subjects, holding antagonistic opinions, joined in praise of Roosevelt and shared their sorrow at his passing.
Their sincerity was apparent not less in their acts than in the words they uttered. They had lost not only a leader, but a friend; not merely a counsellor in good works, but a co-laborer for national and for individual well being. Their words were personal and intimate. The statesman Roosevelt did not hide or obscure Roosevelt the man.

In this intimacy .of feeling the hold Roosevelt had on the hearts of his countrymen was best revealed; and no man without that hold could have called forth such a tribute as was paid by America to Theodore Roosevelt yesterday.

It is manifestly impossible to do more than refer to some of these great gatherings and reproduce in part a few of the addresses made, which may be regarded as typical of the sentiments expressed.
Capt. Chas. E. Merriam's Tribute

At a memorial service for Colonel Roosevelt held in the People's Church, New Pantheon Theater, Chicago, on Sunday, January 12, 1919 (the first Sunday after the Colonel's death) the principal address was made by Captain Charles E. Merriam, of the University of Chicago, candidate for Mayor of the city, and personal friend of Theodore Roosevelt, who had just returned from an important mission to Italy for the United States government. The pastor, Dr. Preston Bradley, an orator of silver tongue, also spoke, and the two addresses were so filled with interesting personal reminiscences of the Colonel that they are reproduced practically in full. Captain Merriam said:
 It seems only a few days ago that in the ancient city of Rome I talked with Colonel Roosevelt's son, Captain Roosevelt, and his wife, discussing with him his experience in the British Army on the eastern front, and his future plans and prospects. Only a few days later word was flashed across the wire that the son of Colonel Roosevelt had fallen somewhere from the clouds in France. It seems only a few days since I saw in the old city of Rome perhaps the strangest combination that great city has seen in all of the many peculiar combinations of persons and people that have come there. We had there upon one day men of a detachment of two hundred and fifty Czecho-Slavs on the Italian front; beside them were two hundred and fifty Highlanders with kilts and bagpipes, beside them Frenchmen from the Italian front, and beside them were two hundred and fifty Yanks from Ohio, of the 332d Regiment, and everywhere were Italians, and I must not forget the Belgians and the Servians and the Montenegrins were everywhere, too.

The great war is over. More than forty million men have
taken part in it; more than ten million will never return again;
another ten million will return handicapped and crippled in the
struggle of life.	,

Now I have come back and I find here a terrific blow struck at our own land in the loss of one of our great leaders, our great statesman, a great dynamic force in American political and social life. And in view of my own friendship with Theodore Roosevelt and intimate acquaintance with him and my association with him, political and otherwise, for so many years, I find it difficult to speak coolly of what I know and what I should say.

(Capt. Merriam then recounted his experiences with Colonel Roosevelt at Milwaukee, when the Colonel was shot by John Schrank. This portion of his address is included in a previous chapter. He continued:)
It has been my pleasure not only to study Colonel Roosevelt at long range, but to know him intimately and to know his personal actions and reactions, and for that reason I may, perhaps, undertake to say a few words about the quality of his mind and the quality of his ability.

It is sometimes said that Colonel Roosevelt was a superficial man. That was not true. Colonel Roosevelt had one of the greatest minds of his time. He had the greatest faculty for observing and classifying and digesting and applying information of any man of his day. He had an instinctive and intuitive faculty of reaching out and collecting facts, and then of making them a part of his life in some way.

It was my fortune to meet many of the notable men of our time, but without disparaging any of them, for all of them are excellent and represent a peculiar type of ability, Roosevelt seemed to me to have the greatest faculty of finding out what he wanted to know and being able to force that immediately into a course of action.

ROOSEVELT AS A NATURALIST

If Colonel Roosevelt had specialized in one of a dozen things, he might there have been as great as he was in his special political sphere. If Roosevelt had chosen to be a naturalist, he would have been one of the world's greatest naturalists, for he had unusual powers of sharp observation, unusual power of classification; he understood plants; he understood animals, and he had a perfect genius for their observation and their classification.

HISTORIAN AND AUTHOR

Colonel Roosevelt was a great historian and a great writer. If he had chosen to give thirty or forty years of his great life to the writing of history he would not only have been a historian but he would have been one of the world's greatest historians, for he possessed the faculty of historic inquiry; he possessed the power of expression; he possessed the judgment and the insight which would make it possible for him to interpret events. And it is generally conceded that he might have ranked high in almost any position that you can conceive in that particular and important field.

A man in a position like Colonel Roosevelt's has to possess a mind that will not only dig deeply when required, but will get a rounded view of things—not too much this and not too much that, not looking here too long nor there too long, but surveying the field, if necessary concentrating upon a particular point, and out of all, knowing something of everything and everything about something, be able to concentrate and work out a particular type of policy adapted to the particular moment. In this Colonel Roosevelt was a master among men, and his ability in this field has never been surpassed.

HIS HUMAN SYMPATHY

Another great trait of Colonel Roosevelt's mind, a typical feature of his career was the astonishing range and breadth of his human sympathy. Not only was Colonel Roosevelt himself a man among men, but he intuitively liked men and understood men of all types and of all classes and of all races, languages, religions; all peculiarities and all types were familiar to him and were understood by him. There probably never was a man in the history of our country with a broader range of human sympathy and a wider range of human acquaintance. One day he might be entertained by an old cowboy friend, and the next day shake hands with a workman, and the next day talk with a great statesman or great lawyer, and he was equally at home among them all. He knew their points of view; he understood their ideals; he sympathized with their purposes; he could talk their language.
 
ROOSEVELT AND THE ANTI-JEW

Some of you will remember what Jacob Riis told of him, the famous story about Roosevelt's attitude in a case involving the Jewish people while he was Police Commissioner of New York. It illustrates my point. There came to New York City a lecturer who was very rabid and bitter in his denunciation of the Jewish people. He turned out later to be an impostor. But he came to the Police Commissioner and said, "Now, the Jews of New York are so bitter against me they will not allow me to speak and therefore I must have special police detailed for that evening.'' The Commissioner said to him, '' I don't believe that is necessary. You will not need that. Our people are orderly and you will be allowed to talk.'' Nevertheless, this man insisted that when he opened his lecture he must have a special police guard. That night when he came in to speak the house was filled with people. The platform and all around the room, as if you were to start here (indicating) and out all around the room was an unbroken line of police, a cordon of policemen, in order that there might be no disturbance. At first every one looked surprised at the presence of so many police, but in a second's time the audience laughed and the meeting adjourned. Every one of the policemen was a Jewish policeman! That was the end of his meeting, of that particular meeting, and the end of his work in New York and America, because ridicule did what nothing else could have done. The joke was on him. And this intuitive understanding of all and acquaintance with all types of men enabled Roosevelt to interpret the mind and the will of the American people on so many occasions when it seemed to others to be doubtful or unclear and un-crystallized. He understood the American because he himself was so much an American; he understood the American because he had seen so many sides of American life.

HIS SELF-MADE ENERGY

We think of Roosevelt as being a vigorous, robust and powerful person physically. He was, at the end and for many years of his life, but at the outset the original Roosevelt was not a vigorous person. He was rather inclined to be sickly and weakly.  He was not a powerful man in his early days, but by his own course of discipline and by his own application he had built himself up physically. He was, in the literal sense of the term, physically a self-made body, he built up his own body, he built up his own power and that amazing energy that was the wonder of the whole world, and having done that he realized the attitude of the powerful, but also the position of the weak and of those who did not have that unbounded vigor that he possessed in his later days.

He understood the life in New York City and he understood the life of the cowboy; he understood the life in the army and on the battlefield, and he understood the life of the legislator and in the administrative department at Washington, and of the political field and the political arena.

COMBINED THEORY AND PRACTICE

It always seemed to me that one of the great characteristics of Roosevelt's career was his very remarkable combination of the theoretical and the practical; his combination of high ideals, of what ought to be, and of practical effort and practical achievement in that direction. This has all the more been impressed upon me because the first time that I ever saw Colonel Roosevelt was when I was at Columbia University, in 1896. At that time he came before us and delivered an address upon the theoretical and practical in politics, and he was defending himself—curiously enough, as it seemed later—he was defending himself of the charge of not being a practical man. He was defending himself against the assertion that he was purely an idealist and did not understand practical methods and that was because primarily he could not bring the Police Commission of New York into order. This was impossible because there were two on his side and two on the other side, and under those conditions the only thing possible was war and war it was until the end.
All through the Rooseveltian policies, all through the Roosevelt career you find a singular combination of high standards and the willingness to fight for his standard. There was nothing in Roosevelt of the cloistered or secluded philosopher, but there was everything in him of the willingness, first, to look upon your distant goal, and then fight your way toward it. He was willing to take the dirt and the sweat and the grime and the blood and the sacrifice and the toil that were necessary to reach the distant goal; he was not of the kind to sit and dream of what he would like to do and then forget to fight for it. His life was built not merely of battles, but also of dreams and visions of what things ought to be. And the striking thing is that he never longed to go so much that he forgot to move in that direction.

There are two types of people and they both have their uses in the world. There are those who dream and frame their dreams of distant futures and cease their activities with the conclusion of their dream, and there are those who struggle and toil and fight, but never lift up their eyes to see which way they are going. In Colonel Roosevelt America had its finest example of one who dreamed, but one who toiled toward the dream of his ideal. And it is a quality and a characteristic only too necessary and only too important to enforce and impress upon the great American people by precept and by example.

HIS IDEA OP CIVIC DUTY

Roosevelt, personally, of course, had a supreme contempt for a man who hoped for something in a public way or social way and would not fight for it. He had only the profoundest contempt for that attitude of mind which will criticize but will not work. He had nothing but indignation for a man who would denounce a government or a weakness, then would forget to vote when election time came. To his mind that was the highest type of civic treason. He felt and he taught that an education that leaves a man without a sense of social obligation is worse than nothing; and the life that ends—a business life or social life or professional life—that ends without having rendered its great contribution of sacrifice to the common good, whatever the pinnacle of fame of the individual has been, must be marked down in the long run as a failure. And over and over again in his actions and his speeches and in his writings he undertook not only to stir up the idealism of the American people, but to stir them toward effective action, of which nothing nobler in the world has ever been attained. 

HIS FIGHT FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

Another great characteristic of Colonel Roosevelt was his broad view of social classes and of social questions and his willingness to meet these situations frankly and boldly as they came. Roosevelt was no man to mince words in the face of social dangers, he was no man to cringe or crouch before power, before wrong or before injustice, however great or however formidable it might seem. He was not afraid to denounce anarchy, whether it was found among those of great wealth or among those who had nothing at all. He was not afraid to denounce injustice, or wrong privileges, wherever they might be found. And in his day he fought all kinds of injustice, all exploitation, cruelty, privilege, wherever he might find them; but he fought them not only with what might be called windy platitudes, not only by words, but he fought them by deeds, he fought them by practical policies, he fought them by the organization of right-minded men for right purposes, and he fought them by unceasing tenacious struggle toward common purposes during long periods of time. For that he possessed a singular faculty and wonderful ability, and one of the greatest things that we have lost in America and the one thing the world has lost is this unflinching quality of social justice that Roosevelt possessed in so high a degree. Never was that quality more necessary, my friends, than at the present time and never were there greater problems to be worked out in sanity of judgment, where breadth of vision, where clearness of view and where courage and constructive power were more necessary than in the present day.

We are living in a new world, the character of which we ourselves scarcely realize. Militarism is dead or dying; autocracy has gone forever, and the world does not weep at its tomb. The world has been made a safe place for democracy, and now the nations of the world are wondering what kind of a democracy we will develop; and now the old ostentations of militarism and autocracy have gone forever, particularly is the world watching America to see what America understands by democracy, to see what we understand by self-government, to see what we understand by liberty, to see what our interpretation of justice is—and what a pity it is, in these critical years, that the courage and the insight and the constructive power of this great leader are taken away from us.

ROOSEVELT'S GREAT WORK

It is a rash thing for any man to undertake to make an appraisal of the work of another man at so close a range to him personally and at so close a range to him historically, yet we may raise the question today in this memorial service: What was the great work of Theodore Roosevelt ? It was of two kinds as I see it, my friends. One of his great works was his material constructive achievement. As Police Commissioner of New York, as member of the Legislature of New York, as Governor of the Empire State, he left his mark on a long series of detailed measures unnecessary to enumerate here; and as President of the United States and as citizen of the world, he left his impress in definite ways, in specific measures, and in a manner that never can be forgotten.	
 
Whether it is the Panama Canal or whether the irrigation works of the West, or whether his attempt to control the gigantic corporate interests of the country, or whether it is the stimulation  and development of the American Navy, or whether it is the organization of the rural life of the community, or whether it is his work on public health and sanitation, or whether it is one of the dozen other great and historie outstanding features of his work, these are imperishable monuments to his memory in the history of our country. And yet, beyond all that,- he was not only a builder in the sense that he was a part of the constructive period of our history for thirty years, but more than all that, e was a dynamic force.

His work must be measured not only by what Roosevelt himself did, but by what he drove others to do; not only by what he did himself, but by what he inspired others to d»; not only by what he did himself, but by what he led others to do. Roosevelt's hammer blow struck the civic conscience of America and he released untold forces of manhood and womanhood, inspired by the same high ideals that he had held and by the same willingness to fight for ideals for which his life had stood; and his work must be appraised not by what he did personally—great as it was, magnificent and wonderful—but by the indefinable and immeasurable current of life and power that he sent shooting through the veins of America.
Where there was one Roosevelt, there sprang up ten thousand young men who followed his standard and who adopted his ideals and his methods; where there were ten thousand men active because of his work, there were millions of people who are inspired, influenced, directed, and encouraged by this master spirit of American political life. His fearlessness, his courage, his outspoken statements, his broad democratic methods, his high ideals and his practical ability made him one of the great assets of American national public life; and when we lose this asset we have lost something that will be a long time in replacing. The monuments of his work will remain, but that impulse, that driving force, that electric energy, that superabundant ability that was a great inspiration to a great many millions of people, for the time being has been eclipsed.

THE GENIUS OP ROOSEVELT

All in all, America has lost a great man who rendered his great service in his own way.

The genius of Washington was his military ability and that calm poise that made George Washington a dignified center around which the American union might be built.
The genius of Andrew Jackson was his great military ability, and then his slashing attack upon forces that might have made of America something other than a democracy.
The genius of Lincoln was his human sympathy and his great battle upon the system of organized privilege that held four million as slaves.

The genius of Roosevelt was his constructive statesmanship and his immense impulse toward higher standards and higher ideals and keener civic conscience in America. He vitalized and energized his party, but not only did he vitalize and energize the Republican party and the great Progressive party, but he vitalized and energized the American people, stimulated its civic conscience, stirring its will to action and inspiring it to practical Americanization, which lies at the bottom of the success of this republic of ours.

And so today, my friends, we meet to pay honor to the memory of a great man. Colonel Roosevelt is dead and his body sleeps, but let us believe, my friends, and let us make sure that the spirit of Colonel Roosevelt goes marching triumphantly on, marching on toward the highest standards of civic conduct, marching on toward more practical methods of their achievement, marching on toward a broader and finer democracy in the social and political and industrial life of our country, marching on toward a greater and nobler America, marching on toward a finer type of international justice and of international order.

Dr. Bradley's Address

Dr. Preston Bradley spoke after Captain Merriam on the memorial occasion referred to above, as follows: I am sure, my friends, that after a speech such as you have just listened to, the life and character of Theodore Roosevelt has been so carefully and analytically given to you that there is not much left for me to say in a large way, but I want to give my little tribute to him personally.

In 1912 Roosevelt came to Chicago, and for the first time in the history of national politics a man went into a great national convention endorsed in the presidential preference primary for the Presidency of the United States, and those stormy days came, and I stood under the balcony of the Congress Hotel and saw him come out in the midst of the battle and shake that clenched hand of his before the Michigan boulevard, black with people, and I heard him say again, "We refuse to try the title for stolen property before the judge who stole it." And I saw him that night walk out on the platform of Orchestra Hall while the audience were singing, "Onward, Christian Soldiers"; and I saw the Progressive party born, and then the great battles of those months which came on, and the political life and character of America all changed because of those two or three days. And then I could see the keen astuteness of the politician and the man who had the best of the country at heart; those days when the convention was at the Auditorium and they were waiting to receive word from Sagamore  ill, and word came back that he said "No!" And as he faced the storm of the Republican party of this country, when the Progressive party was organized he faced the storm of the Progressive party because he was loyal, and he refused the nomination thrust upon him and the party as a political organization practically died after its work had been accomplished and achieved.

THE TRUE AMERICAN

We saw all this, and then the great war came and he became the spokesman of our highest type of true Americanism; and while there are those who criticized him for his criticism of some things that had taken place, there is one outstanding fact that stares us in the face today, and that is that after Theodore Roosevelt's criticisms of the administration, we noticed that the mistake was not repeated.

This service in this great church of ours, yours and mine, we have held to do him honor at this memorial time. I shall feel his loss very deeply, personally, because I loved him; loved him for what he was. Any man of pronounced opinions and strong ideals and not afraid of the common-run who have their own little axes to grind,—any man is bound to have enemies who is pronounced in his individualism. And I love Roosevelt because of the character of his enemies. I love him because they reveal the type of man that he was himself—and they love him, too. Why, a whole nation has forgotten politics and past battles.

The affection in which he was held in the hearts of the youth of his country was peculiarly expressed in one of our schools last Monday morning when the children came to school, about fifty. They came in and they said, "Teddy is dead." Forty-nine of the children called him "Teddy," only one said "Mr. Roosevelt." "Teddy,"—and the fact that a whole nation and the world could call him '' Teddy'' is evidence of his more than superlative greatness—if there is such a thing—of heart and soul, of body and of mind. He was the man unafraid. And the finest thing I know about Theodore Roosevelt is that with him there was no compromise, no compromise; you can't compromise where great issues are involved in this world; you can't compromise on questions between right and wrong in this world; you can't compromise where the whole destiny of a nation and mankind is involved. The only thing is to have what you think is steady loyalty and unswerving devotion around you, and do what you think is right, and if you have found out what is right, go ahead.

"IN FOR A BIT OF SLEEP"

I read with tears in my eyes a letter of friends who told about the last night at Oyster Bay, one week ago, after he bid his family good-night, Mrs. Roosevelt had been alone with him, and his old colored servant had been with him at 11:15 when he said, "Jim, will you turn out the light? I am in for a bit of sleep." And he never woke up.

He has been quoted as saying that if the war had continued three years longer, he probably would have lost every son in his family, for, he said, "They are fighters, there is not a quitter in the bunch." And though there are thousands of others like him, yet he did lose that favorite son of the White House, Quentin, and he was going to let him sleep where the enemy bullet found him. A great sorrow was in his heart, but it was the personal human sorrow of separation. A great thanksgiving was in his life that he had been able to give a son, as you have done, per-haps, to the great cause of world freedom and of democracy and justice.
 
LIFE OF THEODORE ROOSEVELT

ZZZ And so, quietly and tenderly they laid him away in the little cemetery where you and I are going to make pilgrimages to his grave; and we are going to stand there, and we are going to read his books and state papers, and we are going to listen once more to his great speeches; we are going to do all this because-a new day has been born to the world. The world is sick and tired of your petty political dreams of graft; the world is tired of your narrow bigotry along political lines; a world has been re-born. Freedom 'a banner has been unfurled, and freed men we shall be, no longer to be driven and beaten by the bosses of politics; no longer to be corralled. Freed men, free because of the greatness of such spirits as have helped to make men free.
And in the pilgrimage of that soul released—and that body still carrying the bullet that Captain Merriam so dramatically and beautifully portrayed to you, that body will go back to the dust, but the spul of Roosevelt shall go marching on. And so I say to you and I say to him, and I say to all who loved him, Theodore Roosevelt, Hail and Farewell!
In Paris and London

While in his own land, cities and towns, the capital and villages united in contemplation of the former President's distinguished achievements, Paris halted in making the world peace on Sunday, February 9,1919, and led by President Wilson and Secretary of State Lansing, paid honor to Mr. Roosevelt at a service in the American Church. In the church were other members of the Peace Conference and hosts of the dead President's friends and acquaintances.

Great Britain showed its respect at a memorial service in Westminster Abbey, to which went many men prominent in the councils of the Government. It was the first time any man not a Briton had been so signally honored. In other capitals, of the smaller nations whose cause Colonel Roosevelt so persistently championed, similar services were conducted. 

CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR

THE OFFICIAL MEMORIAL
Congress in Joint Session with Crowded Galleries Hears a Magnificent Tribute to Theodore Roosevelt from the Lips of Senator Lodge, His Long-Time Personal and Political Friend.
The Congress of the United States paid the last and greatest possible official honor to the memory of Theodore Roosevelt on Sunday, February 9, 1919, which had been dedicated as the official memorial day throughout the United States.

The huge hall of the House of Representatives was packed to capacity with members of the two branches of Congress, members of the Cabinet, the Supreme Court of the United States, the Diplomatic Corps, and officers of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps.

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, senior Senator from Massachusetts, held the absorbed attention of the officials and dignitaries on the floor of the House and of the packed galleries while he laid before them the life history of Colonel Roosevelt.

Senator Lodge traced the remarkable rise of the sickly boy through his college days, when by sheer will power he made himself an athlete, to the height of power and honor to which he rose while still a young man. In a little more than an hour he sketched the principal points in the remarkable life history of the ex-President, touching  on his election to the New York State Assembly a year after his graduation from Harvard; his life in the West after that; his political activities up until the time he was made Civil Service Commissioner and the upheavals and reforms he forced in that service; his record as chairman of the Board of Police Commissioners of New York City; the record he made as Assistant Secretary of the Navy; as one of the organizers of the Rough Riders; his administration as Governor of New York, and his seven years in the White House.

Senator Lodge dwelt also on the many achievements of Colonel Roosevelt outside his public career, paying the superlative tribute to him as a statesman, a public servant and his friend.

"Had No Secrets from the People" With a firm voice throughout the Senator depicted the long and hard fight made by Colonel Roosevelt and Representative Augustus P. Gardner (Massachusetts), a Major in the army at the time of his death, for putting the United States on its guard and preparing itself for war. Only at this point and one other did the least trace of bitterness creep into the Senator's voice. Major Gardner was Senator Lodge's son-in-law.

In only one sentence was it possible to read into the Senator's eulogy the least tinge of partisanship or comparison of President Wilson with Theodore Roosevelt— when he declared that Colonel Roosevelt when President "had no secrets from the American people."

Representative Nicholas Longworth (Ohio), Colonel Roosevelt's son-in-law, did not sit in the gallery reserved for members of the Roosevelt family. Mrs. Longworth, General and Mrs. Macauley, and Mrs. Douglas Robinson (the Colonel's sister) were the only representatives of the family there.   Mr. Longworth occupied a place among his colleagues of the House.

Impressive But Simple

The ceremonies, tremendously impressive, at the same time were simple in the extreme.

Promptly at 3 o'clock Speaker Clark's gavel fell and the House was declared in session. Immediately announcement was made of the presence of the Senate and the Senators led by Vice-President Marshall filed in two by two and silently took seats in the first four rows at the left of the Speaker's rostrum, the Vice-President taking Ms place by Speaker Clark. Next General March, Chief of Staff of the Army, accompanied by Generals Crowder, Seibert, Black and Squier, Bear Admirals Fletcher, Blue, Winslow and McKean of the Navy and Brigadier-General Lauchheimer of the Marine Corps were announced, and filed to their seats at the opposite side of the House.

The Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the United States Supreme Court next were conducted to their seats directly in front of the rostrum.

Announcement was then made of the members of the Cabinet. When it was seen that the heads of only six of the ten executive departments of government had seen fit to be present and pay this last respect to the memory of the former President, one of the few jarring notes of the solemn occasion was distinctly noticeable. Acting Secretary of State Polk and the Secretaries of the Interior, Treasury, War, Navy, and Commerce took their seats.

The absent Cabinet members were Postmaster-General Burleson, Secretary of Agriculture Houston, Secretary of Labor Wilson, and Attorney-General Gregory. 
Just before the Diplomatic Corps were ushered into the House, former President William Howard Taft, once Theodore Roosevelt's close friend and the premier of his Cabinet, later his political enemy, but in the last years of the Colonel's life again his friend, was announced. As Mr. Taft walked down the center aisle to the seat assigned him a wave of applause swept Senate and House members. Mr. Taft sa|; beside Senator Martin (Virginia), the Democratic Senate leader.

Nations of Earth Represented

Lastly, the representatives in America of practically every civilized nation of the world filed in and took their seats.

The diplomats present were: Spain, Ambassador Riano; Mexico, Ambassador Bonillas; Japan, Ambassador Ishii; Chili, Ambassador Mathieu; Portugal, Envoy Extraordinary De Alte; Bolivia, Minister Calderon; Norway, Minister Bryn; Guatemala, Minister Mindez; Sweden, Minister Ekengren; Denmark, Minister Brun; Siam, Minister Karavongse.

Other countries were represented as follows: Venezuela, Minister Dominici; Bulgaria, Minister Panaretoff; Salvador, Minister Zaldivar; Ecuador, Minister Elizalde; Colombia, Minister Ureuti; Honduras, Minister Guiter-rez; Dominican Republic, Minister Galivan; Nicaragua, Minister Chomorro; Paraguay, Minister Gomdra; Netherlands, Minister Cremei-; Peru, Minister Tedula; Serbia, Secretary of Legation Simitch; Great Britain, Henry Getty Chilton, Secretary of Embassy, and Sir Henry Babbington Smith; Argentina, Counsellor Quintana; Brazil, Counsellor Moreira; Italy, Secretary of Embassy Di Valentine; France, Counsellor De Chambrun; Rou-mania, Secretary of Legation Lahocary; Panama, First Secretary of Legation Lefevre; Hayti, Secretary of Legation Blanchot; China, Counsellor Yung Kwai; Montenegro, Secretary of Legation Matanovitch; Uruguay, Secretary of Legation De Pena; Cuba, Second Secretary of Legation Brull; Switzerland, Commercial Adviser Oederfing-; Russia, Baron Gunzburg; Belgium, Counsellor Symon; Persia, Mr. Baabe.

Invocation by the Chaplain

As the diplomats took their seats the gavel in the hand of the Vice-President fell and the Rev. Henry N. Couden, the blind chaplain of the House, arose and said:

"We are here in memory of one of the nation's noblest sons, a writer, a speaker, a scientist, a patriot, a soldier, a statesman. We respect him because he respected his country. We love him because he loved her people. We honor him because he honored and revered her sacred institutions and would have poured out his heart blood to uphold and sustain them. A Christian ever turning with faith and confidence to his God for strength and guidance—God, help us to cherish his memory, emulate his virtues, that we may leave a record well pleasing in Thy sight.

"Let Thy kingdom possess our hearts that we may hallow Thy name, our God and our Father. Amen.''

The Marine Band then played one of the favorite hymns of the great American in honor of whose memory the ceremonies were held, "How Firm a Foundation." As the last strains of the hymn died away Vice-President Marshall introduced Senator Lodge, and the Senator immediately began his eulogy.

Senator Lodge's Address
The Senator, who knew Colonel Roosevelt from the latter's college days, spoke first of the effect upon the world of the tidings of his death—'' the cry of sorrow came from men and women of all conditions, high and low, rich and poor, from the learned and the ignorant, from the multitude who had loved and followed him, and from those who had opposed and resisted him." Senator Lodge continued:

"We can not approach Theodore Roosevelt along the beaten paths of eulogy or satisfy ourselves with the empty civilities of commonplace funereal tributes, for he did not make his life journey over main travelled roads nor was he ever commonplace. Cold and pompous formalities would be unsuited to him who was devoid of affectation, who was never self-conscious, and to whom posturing to draw the public gaze seemed not only repellant but vulgar. He had that entire simplicity of manners and modes of life which are the crowning result of the highest culture and the finest nature. Like Cromwell, he would always have said, 'Paint me as I am.' In that spirit, in his spirit of devotion to truth's simplicity, I shall try to speak of him today in the presence of the representatives of the great Government of which he was for seven years the head.''
KEPT PEACE  WITHOUT  THREATS

In sketching Colonel Roosevelt's life, Mr. Lodge said of the Presidential period: "Those who were alarmed about what he might do had also suggested that with his combative propensities he was likely to involve the country in war. Yet there never has been an administration, as afterwards appeared, when we were more perfectly at peace with all the world, nor were our foreign relations ever in danger of producing hostilities. But this was not due in the least to the adoption of a timid or yielding foreign policy; on the contrary, it was owing to the firmness of the President in all foreign questions and the knowledge which other nations soon acquired that President Roosevelt was a man who never threatened unless he meant to carry out the threat, the result being that he was not obliged to threaten at all."

   It was the Senator's opinion that in the Panama Canal President Roosevelt "left the most enduring, as it was the most visible monument of his administration.''
   
"Much criticised at the moment for his action, in regard to it, which time since then has justified and which history will praise, the great fact remains that the canal is there," Senator Lodge said. '' He said himself that he made up his mind it was his duty to establish the canal and have the debate about it afterwards, which seemed to him better than to begin with indefinite debate and have no canal at all. This is a view which posterity both at home and abroad will accept and approve."

HIS  GREAT  PERSONAL  STRENGTH

This was the speaker's comment on the election of 1912, when Colonel Roosevelt led the Progressives:

"There never has been in political history, when all conditions are considered, such an exhibition of extraordinary personal strength. To have secured eighty-eight electoral votes when his own party was hopelessly divided, with no great historic party names and tradition behind him, with an organization which had to be hastily brought -together in a few weeks seems almost incredible, and in all his career there is no display of the strength of his hold upon the people equal to this.''

Coming to Colonel Roosevelt's service to the country during the war and the loss of his son, Quentin, Senator Lodge said:

"He would have had us protest and take action at the very beginning in 1914 when Belgium r:as invaded. He would have had us go to war when the murders of the Lusitania were perpetrated. He tried to stir the soul and rouse the spirit of the American people, and despite every obstacle he did awaken them, so that when the hour came, in April, 1917, a large proportion of the American people were even then ready in spirit and in hope.

"How telling his work has been was proved by the confession of his country's enemies, for when he died the only discordant note, the only harsh words, came from the German press. Germany knew whose voice it was that had more powerfully than any other called Americans to the battle in behalf of freedom and civilization.''

Because he was not permitted to go to Europe at the head of a body of soldiers, said Mr. Lodge, Colonel Roosevelt "was denied the reward which he would have ranked above all others, the great prize of death in battle.'' He continued:

PATRIOT IN EVERT FIBRE

"But he was a patriot in every fibre of his being, and personal disappointment in no manner slackened or cooled his zeal. Everything that he could do to forward the war, to quicken preparation, to stimulate patriotism, to urge on efficient action, was done. Day and night, in season and out of season, he never ceased his labors. Although prevented from going to France himself, he gave to the great conflict that which was far dearer to him than his own life. I cannot say that he sent his four sons, because they all went at once, as every one knew that their father's sons would go. Two have been badly wounded; one was killed. He met the blow with the most splendid and unflinching courage, met it as Siward the Earl of Northumberland receives in the play the news of his son's death:

Siw.    Had he his hurts before?
Boss.    Ay, on the front.
Siw.    Why then, God's soldier be hel Had I as many sons as I have hairs, I would not wish them to a fairer death: And so his knell is knoll'd.

"Among the great tragedies of Shakespeare, and there are none greater in all the literature of man, Macbeth was Colonel Roosevelt's favorite, and the moving words which I have just quoted I am sure were in his heart and on his lips when he faced with stern resolve and self-control the anguish brought to him by the death of his youngest boy, killed in the glory of a brave and brilliant youth.

"There was no hour down to the end when he would not turn aside from everything else to preach the doctrine of Americanism, of the principles and the faith upon which American Government rested and which all true Americans should wear in their heart of hearts. He was a great patriot, a great man; above all a great American. His country was the ruling, mastering passion of his life from the beginning even unto the end.

AS A WHITER AND SPEAKER

'' Let me speak first of his abilities. He had a powerful, well trained, ever active mind. He thought clearly, independently and with originality and imagination. These great gifts were sustained by an extraordinary power of acquisition, joined to a greater quickness of apprehension, a greater swiftness in seizing upon the essence of a question than I have ever happened to see in any other man. His reading began with natural history, then went to general history and thence to the whole field of literature. He had a capacity for concentration which enabled him to read with remarkable rapidity anything which he took up, if only for a moment, and which separated him for the time being from everything going on about him. "He made himself a writer not only of occasional addresses and essays but of books. He had the trained thoroughness of the historian, as he showed in his history of the war of 1812 and of the ' Winning of the West,' and nature had endowed him with that most enviable of gifts, the faculty of narrative and the art of the teller of tales. At the same time he made himself a public speaker, and here again, through a practice probably unequalled in amount, he became one of the most effective in all our history. In speaking, as in writing, he was always full of force and vigor; he drove home his arguments and never was misunderstood. In many of his more carefully prepared addresses are to be- found passages of impressive eloquence, touched with imagination and full of grace and feeling.

'' He had a large capacity for administration, clearness of vision, promptness of decision and a thorough apprehension of what constituted efficient organization. He could not have done all these things unless he had had most exceptional natural abilities, but behind them was the driving force of an intense energy and the ever present belief that a man could do what he willed to do. As he made himself an athlete, a horseman, a good shot, a bold explorer, so he made himself an exceptionally successful writer and speaker.

POWER TO  HOLD ATTENTION

'' His also was the rare gift of arresting attention sharply and suddenly, a very precious attribute and one easier to illustrate than to describe. This arresting power is like a common experience, which we have all had on entering a picture gallery, of seeing at once and before all others a single picture among the many on the walls. For a moment you see nothing else, although you may be surrounded with masterpieces. In that particular picture lurks a strange, capturing, gripping fascination as indescribable as it is unmistakable. Roosevelt had this same arresting, fascinating quality. Whether in the Legislature at Albany, the Civil Service Commission at Washington or the Police Commission in New York; whether in the Spanish war or on the plains among the cowboys, he was always vivid, never to be overlooked.

'' Men follow also most readily a leader who is always there before them, clearly visible and just where they expect him. They are especially eager to follow a man who never sounds a retreat. Roosevelt was always advancing, always struggling to make things better, to carry some much needed reform and help humanity to a larger chance, to a fairer condition, to a happier life. Moreover, he looked always for an ethical question. He was at his best when he was fighting the battle of right against wrong. He thought soundly and wisely upon questions of expediency or of political economy, but they did not rouse him or bring him the absorbed interest of the eternal conflict between good and evil. Yet he was never impractical, never blinded by counsels of perfection, never seeking to make the better the enemy of the good.

"He wished to get the best, but he would strike for all that was possible even if it fell short of the highest at which he aimed. He studied the lessons of history and did not think the past bad simply because it was the past, or the new good solely because it was new. He sought to try all questions on their instrinsic merits, and that was why he succeeded in advancing, in making government and society better where others, who would be content with nothing less than an abstract perfection, failed. He would never compromise a principle, but he was eminently tolerant of honest difference of opinion. He never hesitated to give generous credit where credit seemed due, whether to friend or opponent, and in this way he gathered recruits and yet never lost adherents.

FRANK IN ALL COMPANIES

"The criticism most commonly made upon Theodore Roosevelt was that he was impulsive and impetuous, that he acted without thinking. He would have been the last to claim infallibility. His head did not turn when fame came to him and choruses of admiration sounded in his ears, for he was neither vain nor credulous. He knew that he made mistakes, and never hesitated to admit them to be mistakes and to correct them or put them behind him when satisfied that they were such. But he never wasted time in mourning, explaining, or vainly regretting them.

" It is also true that the middle way did not attract him. He was apt to go far, both in praise and censure, although nobody could analyze qualities and balance them justly in judging men better than he. He felt strongly, and as he had no concealments of any kind, he expressed himself in like manner. But vehemence is not violence nor is earnestness anger, which a very wise man defined as a brief madness. It was all according to his nature, just as .his eager cordiality in meeting men and women, his keen interest in other people's cares or joys, was not assumed, as some persons thought who did not know him. It was all profoundly natural, it was all real, and in that way and in no other was he able to meet and greet his fellow men. He spoke out with the most unrestrained frankness at all times and in all companies.

'' Not a day passed in the Presidency when he was not guilty of what the trained diplomatist would call indiscretion. But the frankness had its own reward. There never was a President whose confidence was so respected or with whom the barriers of honor which surround private conversation were more scrupulously observed.

"As a matter of fact, what Theodore Roosevelt was trying to do was to strengthen American society and American Government by demonstrating to the American people that he was aiming at a larger economic equality and a more generous industrial opportunity for all men, and that any combination of capital or of business which threatened the control of the Government by the people who made it was to be curbed and resisted, just as he would have resisted an enemy who tried to take possession of the city of Washington.

'' He had no hostility to a man because he had been successful in business or because he had accumulated a fortune. If a man had been honestly successful and used his fortune wisely and beneficently, he was regarded by Theodore Roosevelt as a good citizen. The vulgar hatred of wealth found no place in his heart. He had but one standard, one test, and that was whether a man, rich or poor, was an honest man, a good citizen, and a good American. He tried men, whether they were men of big business or members of a labor union, by their deeds and in no other way. The tyranny of anarchy and disorder, such as is now desolating Russia, was as hateful to him as any other tyranny, whether it came from an autocratic system like that of Germany or from the misuse of organized capital. Personally he believed in every man earning his own living, and he earned money and was glad to do so, but he had no desire or taste for making money, and he was entirely indifferent to it. The simplest of men in his own habits, the only thing he really would have liked to have done with ample wealth would have been to give freely to the many good objects which continually interested him.

HIS  POWER  OVER  MEN

"Theodore Roosevelt's power, however, and the main source of all his achievements, was not in the offices which he held, for those offices were to him only opportunities, but in the extraordinary hold which he established and retained over great bodies of men. He had the largest personal following ever attained by any man in our history. Let me define what I mean by personal following. I do not mean the following which comes from great political office or from party candidacy. There have been many men who have held the highest offices in our history by the votes of their fellow countrymen who have never had anything more than a very small personal following.

"By personal following is meant here that which supports and sustains and goes with a man simply because he is himself; a following which does not care whether their leader and chief is in office or out of office, which is with him and behind him because they, one and all, believe in him and love him and are ready to stand by him for the sole and simple reason that they have perfect faith that he will lead them where they wish and where they ought to go.

'' This following Theodore Roosevelt had, as I have said, in a larger degree than any one in our history, and the fact that he had it and what he did with it for the welfare of his fellow men have given him his great place and his lasting fame.

"This extraordinary popular strength was not given to him solely because the people knew him to be honest and brave, because they were certain that physical fear was an emotion unknown to him, and that his moral courage equalled the physical. It was not merely because they thoroughly believed him to be sincere. All this knowledge and belief, of course, went to making his popular leadership secure; but there was much more in it than that, something that went deeper, basic elements which were not upon the surface. They were due to qualities of temperament interwoven with his very being, inseparable from him and yet subtle rather than obvious in their effects.

HIS   SENSE   OF   HUMOE

"Very different, but equally compelling, was another quality. There is nothing in human beings at once so sane and so sympathetic as a sense of humor. This great gift the good fairies conferred upon Theodore Roosevelt at his birth in unstinted measure. No man ever had a more abundant sense of humor— joyous, irrepressible humor—and it never deserted him. Even at the most serious and even perilous moments if there was a gleam of humor anywhere he saw it and rejoiced and helped himself with it over the rough places. He loved fun, loved to joke and chaff, and, what is more uncommon, greatly enjoyed being chaffed himself. His ready smile and contagious laugh made countless friends and saved him from many an enmity. Even more generally effective than his humor was the universal knowledge that Roosevelt had no secrets from the American people.

"Yet another quality—perhaps the most engaging1 of all— was his homely, generous humanity which enabled him to speak directly to the primitive instincts of man.

He dwelt with the tribes of the marsh and moor,
He sate at the board of kings; 
He tasted the toil of the burdened slave
And the joy that triumph brings.
 But whether to jungle or palace hall
Or white walled tent he came, 
He was brother to king and soldier and slave,
His welcome was the same.

"He was very human and intensely American, and this knit a bond between him and the American people which nothing could ever break. And then he had yet one more attraction, less serious than the others, but none the lass very important and very captivating. He never by any chance bored the American people. They might laugh at him or laugh with him, they might like what he said or dislike it, they might agree with him or disagree with him, but they were never wearied of him and he never failed to interest them.

A KNIGHT IN HIS DAILY LIFE

'' He had a touch of the knight errant in his daily life, although he would never have admitted it; but it was there. It was not visible in the mediaeval form of shining armor and dazzling tournaments but in the never ceasing effort to help the poor and the oppressed, to defend and protect women and children, to right the wronged and succor the downtrodden. Passing by on the other side was not a mode of travel through life ever possible to him, and yet he was as far distant from the professional philanthropist as could well be imagined, for all he tried to do to help his fellow men he regarded as part of the day's work to be done and not talked about.

"When the future historian traces Theodore Roosevelt's extraordinary career he will find these embodied ideals planted like milestones along the road over which he marched. They never left him. His ideal of public service was to be found in his life, and as his life drew to its close he had to meet his ideal  of sacrifice face to face. All his sons went from him to the war and one was killed upon the field of honor. Of all the ideals that lift men up the hardest to fulfill is the ideal of sacrifice. Theodore Roosevelt met it as he had all others and fulfilled it to the last jot of its terrible demands. His country asked the sacrifice and he gave it with solemn pride and uncomplaining lips.

'' This is not the place to speak of his private life, but within
that sacred circle no man was ever more fortunate in the utter
devotion of a noble wife and the passionate love of his children.
The absolute purity and beauty of his family life tell us why
the pride and interest which his fellow countrymen felt in him
were always touched with the warm light of love. In the home so
dear to him, in his sleep, death came, and	

"So Valiant-for-Truth passed over and all the trumpets sounded for him on the other side."

No words at present command could add to the tribute thus feelingly uttered in the halls of Congress by Senator Lodge, true friend and fidus Achates of Theodore Roosevelt with a friendship akin to that of David and Jonathan, or that of Damon and Pythias. And as the distinguished gathering at Washington responded to the sentiments of Senator Lodge, his glowing tribute to his departed friend was echoed far and near, in the voices of a nation's spokesmen, from New York to San Francisco, from Chicago to New Orleans—until a mighty chorus of universal tribute to Roosevelt rose to high heaven on that Sabbath afternoon, and it proclaimed:

'' He was a man, a great man, and the friend of man; but above all else he was a great American, the greatest of his day and generation."

THE END

[The total number of pages in this book is 512, including 64 pages of illustrations, which are not marked by folio numbers, and 448 pages of numbered text]
The End

A concluding word from Robert J.  Kuniegel

TR AMERICAN PATRIOT hopes you enjoy our books.  Theodore Roosevelt lived his life in a manner that is the only way possible to make government responsive to the people.  He has written how to make meaningful reform possible not only for his generation but for future generations, if we read what he has said.  We only need to interest others in reading what he has said to transform our government. 

Reading the books on TR AMERICAN PATRIOT DOT COM  and having others do the same, will develop citizens and leaders capable of transforming American politics into a system of government that will be honest, and responsive to “a square deal”.  A square deal has no special deals for the rich, the middle class, or the poor.  Our government today has degenerated into a system that rewards citizens for not being productive.  It promotes entitlements under the guise of helping people, when in fact it only helps politicians to protect their own royal positions.  Policies that foster a special privileged class was the type of government policies Theodore Roosevelt fought against and won.  He was a visionary.  He knew this fight would need to be fought through the ages if we were to keep our country strong.  He was an intrepid pioneer that blazed a trail through a jungle of corrupt government, so that others might follow his proven and highly successful common sense approach toward honest government.  His fearless course helped make America a beacon of hope to all that seek justice.  His endless devotion to America helped make America a super power that no just nation has needed to fear as long as our citizens value his lofty resolute square deal policy toward our fellow citizens and those of other nations. 

Theodore Roosevelt’s greatest gift to this country is before us.  It is not in the past, if we as Americans recognize that his message is not just a story from American history pages.  His message is an example, clearly defined.  It details actions that are required if we desire to do something meaningful for our country.  Join the good fight today.  You only need to read and interest others to do the same.  

David Boyd, repeating what he had read, once said, “The person we become is because of our experiences in life, the people we meet, and the books we read. ” It is time to have others meet Theodore Roosevelt.  It is time for a Theodore Roosevelt revival, “Fear God and do your own part”.  Dare to help make Theodore Roosevelt the standard and not the exception.  America needs to adopt a wise, fearless and honest role model as the standard we revere, so that our public servants know what we expect.  The first step to honest government is no harder than setting proper standards of conduct for our public servants through the use of a proper role model.  Can you find one quality in Theodore Roosevelt that is not right in a public servant?  If you think you can, I bet your conjecture is based upon something other than truth and honest reasoning and this American would love an opportunity to debate any such conjecture.