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WHITE HOUSE, _March 11, 1902_.

_To the Senate of the United States_:

I return without approval Senate bill, No. 1258 entitled "An act to
remove the charge of desertion from the naval record of John Glass."

There can be no graver crime than the crime of desertion from the Army
or Navy, especially during war; it is then high treason to the nation,
and is justly punishable by death. No man should be relieved from such a
crime, especially when nearly forty years have passed since it occurred,
save on the clearest possible proof of his real innocence. In this case
the statement made by the affiant before the committee does not in all
points agree with his statement made to the Secretary of the Navy. In
any event it is incomprehensible to me that he should not have made
effective effort to get back into the Navy.

He had served but little more than a month when he deserted, and the
war lasted for over a year afterwards, yet he made no effort whatever to
get back into the war. Under such circumstances it seems to me that to
remove the charge of desertion from the Navy and give him an honorable
discharge would be to falsify the records and do an injustice to his
gallant and worthy comrades who fought the war to a finish. The names
of the veterans who fought in the civil war make the honor list of the
Republic, and I am not willing to put upon it the name of a man unworthy
of the high position.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

WHITE HOUSE, _Washington, May 12, 1902_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

One of the greatest calamities in history has fallen upon our
neighboring island of Martinique. The consul of the United States at
Guadeloupe has telegraphed from Fort de France, under date of yesterday,
that the disaster is complete; that the city of St. Pierre has ceased
to exist; and that the American consul and his family have perished.
He is informed that 30,000 people have lost their lives and that 50,000
are homeless and hungry; that there is urgent need of all kinds of
provisions, and that the visit of vessels for the work of supply and
rescue is imperatively required.

The Government of France, while expressing their thanks for the marks
of sympathy which have reached them from America, inform us that Fort
de France and the entire island of Martinique are still threatened.
They therefore request that, for the purpose of rescuing the people
who are in such deadly peril and threatened with starvation, the
Government of the United States may send, as soon as possible, the
means of transporting them from the stricken island. The island of St.
Vincent and, perhaps, others in that region are also seriously menaced
by the calamity which has taken so appalling a form in Martinique.

I have directed the departments of the Treasury, of War, and of the Navy
to take such measures for the relief of these stricken people as lies
within the Executive discretion, and I earnestly commend this case of
unexampled disaster to the generous consideration of the Congress. For
this purpose I recommend that an appropriation of $500,000 be made, to
be immediately available.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

WHITE HOUSE, _June 13, 1902_.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

I deem it important before the adjournment of the present session of
Congress to call attention to the following expressions in the message
which in the discharge of the duty imposed upon me by the Constitution
I sent to Congress on the first Tuesday of December last:

  Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of
  Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national
  interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application,
  and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the
  vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff
  duties on Cuban imports into the United States. Cuba has in her
  Constitution affirmed what we desired, that she should stand, in
  international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us
  than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of
  honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of
  her material well being.

This recommendation was merely giving practical effect to President
McKinley's words, when, in his messages of December 5, 1898, and
December 5, 1899, he wrote:

  It is important that our relations with this people (of Cuba) shall be
  of the most friendly character and our commercial relations close and
  reciprocal. * * * We have accepted a trust, the fulfillment of which
  calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exercise of the
  highest wisdom. The new Cuba yet to arise from the ashes of the past
  must needs be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and strength
  if its enduring welfare is to be assured. * * * The greatest blessing
  which can come to Cuba is the restoration of her agricultural and
  industrial prosperity.

Yesterday, June 12, I received, by cable from the American minister in
Cuba, a most earnest appeal from President Palma for "legislative relief
before it is too late and (his) country financially ruined."

The granting of reciprocity with Cuba is a proposition which stands
entirely alone. The reasons for it far outweigh those for granting
reciprocity with any other nation, and are entirely consistent with
preserving intact the protective system under which this country has
thriven so marvelously. The present tariff law was designed to promote
the adoption of such a reciprocity treaty, and expressly provided for a
reduction not to exceed 20 per cent upon goods coming from a particular
country, leaving the tariff rates on the same articles unchanged as
regards all other countries. Objection has been made to the granting of
the reduction on the ground that the substantial benefit would not go
to the agricultural producer of sugar, but would inure to the American
sugar refiners. In my judgment provision can and should be made which
will guarantee us against this possibility, without having recourse to
a measure of doubtful policy, such as a bounty in the form of a rebate.

The question as to which if any of the different schedules of the
tariff ought most properly to be revised does not enter into this matter
in any way or shape. We are concerned with getting a friendly reciprocal
arrangement with Cuba. This arrangement applies to all the articles that
Cuba grows or produces. It is not in our power to determine what these
articles shall be, and any discussion of the tariff as it affects
special schedules or countries other than Cuba is wholly aside from the
subject matter to which I call your attention.

Some of our citizens oppose the lowering of the tariff on Cuban products
just as three years ago they opposed the admission of the Hawaiian
Islands lest free trade with them might ruin certain of our interests
here. In the actual event their fears proved baseless as regards Hawaii,
and their apprehensions as to the damage to any industry of our own
because of the proposed measure of reciprocity with Cuba seem to me
equally baseless. In my judgment no American industry will be hurt,
and many American industries will be benefited by the proposed action.
It is to our advantage as a nation that the growing Cuban market should
be controlled by American producers.

The events following the war with Spain, and the prospective building of
the Isthmian Canal, render it certain that we must take in the future a
far greater interest than hitherto in what happens throughout the West
Indies, Central America, and the adjacent coasts and waters. We expect
Cuba to treat us on an exceptional footing politically, and we should
put her in the same exceptional position economically. The proposed
action is in line with the course we have pursued as regards all the
islands with which we have been brought into relations of varying
intimacy by the Spanish war. Puerto Rico and Hawaii have been included
within our tariff lines, to their great benefit as well as ours,
and without any of the feared detriment to our own industries. The
Philippines, which stand in a different relation, have been granted
substantial tariff concessions.

Cuba is an independent republic, but a republic which has assumed
certain special obligations as regards her international position in
compliance with our request. I ask for her certain special economic
concessions in return; these economic concessions to benefit us as well
as her. There are few brighter pages in American history than the page
which tells of our dealings with Cuba during the past four years. On her
behalf we waged a war of which the mainspring was generous indignation
against oppression; and we have kept faith absolutely. It is earnestly
to be hoped that we will complete in the same spirit the record so well
begun, and show in our dealings with Cuba that steady continuity of
policy which it is essential for our nation to establish in foreign
affairs if we desire to play well our part as a world power.

We are a wealthy and powerful nation; Cuba is a young republic, still
weak, who owes to us her birth, whose whole future, whose very life,
must depend on our attitude toward her. I ask that we help her as she
struggles upward along the painful and difficult road of self-governing
independence. I ask this aid for her, because she is weak, because she
needs it, because we have already aided her. I ask that open-handed
help, of a kind which a self-respecting people can accept, be given to
Cuba, for the very reason that we have given her such help in the past.
Our soldiers fought to give her freedom; and for three years our
representatives, civil and military, have toiled unceasingly, facing
disease of a peculiarly sinister and fatal type, with patient and
uncomplaining fortitude, to teach her how to use aright her new freedom.
Never in history has any alien country been thus administered, with such
high integrity of purpose, such wise judgment, and such single-minded
devotion to the country's interests. Now, I ask that the Cubans be given
all possible chance to use to the best advantage the freedom of which
Americans have such right to be proud, and for which so many American
lives have been sacrificed. 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 
The End

A concluding word from Robert J. Kuniegel

TR AMERICAN PATRIOT hopes you enjoy our books.  Theodore Roosevelt lived his life in a manner that is the only way possible to make government responsive to the people.  He has written how to make meaningful reform possible not only for his generation but for future generations, if we read what he has said.  We only need to interest others in reading what he has said to transform our government. 

Reading the books on TR AMERICAN PATRIOT DOT COM  and having others do the same, will develop citizens and leaders capable of transforming American politics into a system of government that will be honest, and responsive to “a square deal”.  A square deal has no special deals for the rich, the middle class, or the poor.  Our government today has degenerated into a system that rewards citizens for not being productive.  It promotes entitlements under the guise of helping people, when in fact it only helps politicians to protect their own royal positions.  Policies that foster a special privileged class was the type of government policies Theodore Roosevelt fought against and won.  He was a visionary.  He knew this fight would need to be fought through the ages if we were to keep our country strong.  He was an intrepid pioneer that blazed a trail through a jungle of corrupt government, so that others might follow his proven and highly successful common sense approach toward honest government.  His fearless course helped make America a beacon of hope to all that seek justice.  His endless devotion to America helped make America a super power that no just nation has needed to fear as long as our citizens value his lofty resolute square deal policy toward our fellow citizens and those of other nations. 

Theodore Roosevelt’s greatest gift to this country is before us.  It is not in the past, if we as Americans recognize that his message is not just a story from American history pages.  His message is an example, clearly defined.  It details actions that are required if we desire to do something meaningful for our country.  Join the good fight today.  You only need to read and interest others to do the same.  

David Boyd, repeating what he had read, once said, “The person we become is because of our experiences in life, the people we meet, and the books we read. ” It is time to have others meet Theodore Roosevelt.  It is time for a Theodore Roosevelt revival, “Fear God and do your own part”.  Dare to help make Theodore Roosevelt the standard and not the exception.  America needs to adopt a wise, fearless and honest role model as the standard we revere, so that our public servants know what we expect.  The first step to honest government is no harder than setting proper standards of conduct for our public servants through the use of a proper role model.  Can you find one quality in Theodore Roosevelt that is not right in a public servant?  If you think you can, I bet your conjecture is based upon something other than truth and honest reasoning and this American would love an opportunity to debate any such conjecture.